* 1985-2000. E' MORTO UN SIMBOLO DELL'AGONIA DEL KOSOVO JUGOSLAVO

* ETHNIC ALBANIANS FIRE AT FRENCH KFOR POINT

* LORD ROBINSON: "IN KOSOVO LA SITUAZIONE E' MOLTO POSITIVA, I TRENI
VIAGGIANO, I CONTADINI RACCOLGONO LE MESSI..."
NATO's New Agenda: More Progress than Meets the Eye
Remarks by The Rt. Hon. Lord Robertson of Port Ellen
Secretary General of NATO
6 Sept. 2000, The SACLANT Symposium Reykjavik, Iceland

* COLONY KOSOVO, WHERE COPS DO-GOODERS AND PRIVATEERS
RUN THE SHOW
By Christian Parenti (8-29-00)

* The lies of war crimes mass graves (by Kevin Ovenden)

* KLA commanders trained in Albania (By LULZIM COTA)

ALTRI DOCUMENTI SEGNALATI:

> http://www.rockfordinstitute.org/NewsST092200.htm
Friday, September 22, 2000
GREATER ALBANIA IN THE MAKING?
Srdja Trifkovic

> http://www.suc.org/news/ilustrovana_politika/2.html
2134, 19 Dec 1999
Siptarska veza i mafijaski rat
Borba klanova u Zagrebu
La guerra dei clan a Zagabria
Mafia albanese e la guerra delle mafie in Croazia !

> http://www.repubblica.it/online/mondo/fossa/soldato/soldato.html
> http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/americas/newsid_927000/927323.stm
BBC News
Saturday, 16 September, 2000, 08:29 GMT 09:29 UK
US servicemen 'beat Kosovo civilians'


---


1985-2000. E' MORTO UN SIMBOLO DELL'AGONIA DEL KOSOVO JUGOSLAVO

Djordje Martinovic, metafora dell'agonia dei serbi del
Kosovo, e' morto il 6 settembre scorso nel villaggio di
Citluk, presso Krusevac. Era diventato noto all'opinione
pubblica il 4 maggio del 1985, quando fu diffusa la
notizia che l'impiegato della Casa dell'Esercito Djordje
Martinovic di Gnjilane (in Kosmet) era stato impalato il
primo maggio sul suo terreno in localita' Jaruga, a 2
chilometri da Gnjilane.
Il crimine era stato compiuto da terroristi schipetari.
In cima al palo era stata posta una bottiglia che e'
rimasta conficcata nel ventre della vittima. Martinovic
e' stato operato all'Ospedale di Pristina, poi e' stato
trasferito all'Ospedale militare di Belgrado, e dopo a
Londra, dove e' stato operato due volte, con un dispaccio
clinico secondo il quale "non e' possibile che abbia
infierito su se stesso da solo", come era stato insinuato
da certi mezzi di informazione.

(da "OKO", settimanale belgradese, 15/9/2000. La vicenda,
mai riportata nelle cronache ne' nelle retrospettive sul
problema kosovaro in Italia, che fanno sempre iniziare
la storia del Kosmet con il discorso di Milosevic del
1989, era stata tuttavia menzionata sul nostro "Dossier
Kosovo" apparso sul mensile Nuova Unita' nel 1998)

Djordje Martinovic, metafora stradanja Srba na Kosmetu,
preminuo je 6. septembra u selu Citluk kod Krusevca.
Postao je poznat svetskoj javnosti 4. maja 1985. kad je
objavljena informacija da je sluzbenik Doma JNA u Gnjilanu
Djordje Martinovic nabijen na kolac 1. maja na svojoj
njivi Jaruga, dva kilometra od Gnjilana. Ovo zlodelo
su izvrsili siptarski teroristi. Na vrhu kolca bila
je flasa, koja je ostala u otrobi zrtve. Operisan je
u pristinskoj bolnici, potom je prebacen na VMA, pa u
London, gde je dva puta operisan, uz saopstenje da
"samopovredjivanje nije moguce", o cemu je bilo
insinuacija u javnosti.

---

ETHNIC ALBANIANS FIRE AT FRENCH KFOR POINT
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, September 30 (Tanjug) Ethnic Albanian
terrorists opened fire on Thursday evening at the French KFOR point in
the
village of Banje inhabited mostly by Serbs, Serbian sources confirmed to
Tanjug in Mitrovica.
Two grenades were fired at the French from the direction of the
Albanian village of Rudnik in the vicinity of Banje.
There were no killed or wounded in the incident, and the French
conducted a search in the village of Rudnik and found a large quantity
of
arms that belonged to the "KLA," which was transformed by Kouchner into
the
socalled Kosovo protection corps.
French KFOR members arrested on the spot a number of ethnic
Albanians and because they refuse to release them, ethnic Albanians have
blocked the regional road Kosovska MitrovicaPec near the village of
Rudnik,
making impossible the passage of KFOR vehicles.

---

>Below are excerpts from the official text of a speech by George Robertson
>in Iceland.
>
>Subjects are:
>Kosovo
>Partnership for Peace
>NATO Enlargement
>EU-NATO co-operation
>UN and NATO
>Increasing military spending
>
>
>
>NATO's New Agenda:
>More Progress than Meets the Eye
>Remarks by The Rt. Hon. Lord Robertson of Port Ellen
>Secretary General of NATO
>6 Sept. 2000
>The SACLANT Symposium Reykjavik, Iceland
>
>
>[KOSOVO]
>Let us go through the current NATO agenda, starting with Kosovo. If we
>stand back for a moment to look at the overall picture, it is actually very
>positive
>Just two years ago, most people in Kosovo feared for their lives and their
>property. At the height of the crisis, 80 percent of the population had
>fled their homes to avoid wanton ethnic violence.
>Today, the vast majority live in peace, and have renewed hope for the
>future. Today, for the first time in at least a decade, there are
>administrative structures in place that include all ethnic groups, not one.
>And in just a few weeks, there will be truly free elections in Kosovo for
>the first time in collective memory.
>Refugees have gone back and rebuilt their homes. Schools - even those
>flattened by Serb paramilitaries - have come back to life. Trains are
>running. Farmers are bringing in the harvest. Imagine what the situation
>could have become, and look at what it is today.
>Of course, there is much work to be done, and it will not be easy. There
>will be more violence, more accusations of discrimination, more boycotts
>and more standoffs.
>But the real news story is not the protest outside a mine, or the tragic
>and regrettable killing of an ethnic Serb. The news story is that in
>Kosovo, NATO, the other KFOR contributors, and the UN Administration are
>building hope and the rule of law out of what had been the rule of terror.
>Our goal is still to build a Kosovo that allows all of its people to share
>in the peace, freedom and democracy that we, and they, consider to be their
>right. And we are making progress. It is an opportunity we don't intend to
>miss.
>Just as we are making visible progress in Kosovo, we can already look back
>on considerable achievement in Bosnia-Herzegovina. As we approach the 11
>November elections there, we're truly turning a corner.
>Already in the robustly contested local elections earlier this year, more
>moderate politicians were elected to office than ever before - and the
>trend is set to continue this autumn.
>Refugees are returning in record numbers, and several municipalities -
>previously hostile to such returns - are now working with the international
>community to accept the returnees.
>Defence budgets and the Entity Armed Forces are being cut, as they should
>be. Bosnia-Herzegovina is even sending a multi-ethnic Olympic team to the
>Games in Sydney.
>The headlines of five years ago in Bosnia-Herzegovina were surely not
these. (...)

---

The San Francisco Bay Guardian, August 23, 2000
(reprinted in http://www.tenc.net

COLONY KOSOVO, WHERE COPS DO-GOODERS AND PRIVATEERS
RUN THE SHOW

By Christian Parenti (8-29-00)


CLOGGED WITH ALMOST 800,000 souls, Pristina, Kosovo, a city of tower
blocks rising from a parched valley floor, now holds twice the
population for which it was built. The air reeks of exhaust and burning
garbage. Ceaseless hot winds blow litter and clouds of gritty dust from
the huge mountain of mine tailings that lies a dozen miles due west. At
night one still hears the snap of gunfire and, the next day, rumors of
another unsolved murder.

Despite the city's modernist aesthetic (the place was rebuilt from
scratch after an earthquake in 1963), Pristina has no public
transportation or refuse collection. All the most impressive modernist
buildings downtown have been reduced to bombed-out relics. Throngs of
cell phone-wielding crowds and streams of new Mercedes and Audis choke
the streets below the charred towers. Water and electrical services are
intermittent, yet several cybercafés and brothels operate around the
clock.

Welcome to ground zero of NATO's reincarnation as what Secretary of
State Madeline Albright has called "a force for peace from the Middle
East to Central Africa." Billed as the greatest humanitarian
intervention since WWII, the U.N.-NATO occupation of Kosovo doesn't look
so noble up close. Rather than a multiethnic democracy, Kosovo is
shaping up to be a violent, corrupt, free-market colony.

'HUMANITARIAN' IMPERIALISM

Kosovar Albanians may talk about "their country," but the foreign-aid
workers in official white SUVs make the real decisions. After NATO's
78-day bombing, the United Nations Mission in Kosovo(UNMIK) was created
as an "interim administration." The U.N., in turn, has opened Kosovo to
a kaleidoscopic jumble of governmental and nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) ranging from Oxfam to obscure evangelical ministries.

At the apex of it all sits Bernard Krouchner, the Secretary General's
Special Representative in Kosovo. Founder of Médecins Sans Frontières
and a former socialist, Krouchner took a sharp right turn in the 1980s
when he championed the use of Western (particularly American) military
intervention as the path to human rights. Krouchner's left-wing critics
who argue that American and European corporate power and military aid
are the main causes of human rights violations internationally see
Krouchner as a Clinton-Blair "third way" hypocrite. Meanwhile, many
mainstream right-wing commentators see the short, thin Frenchman as a
publicity-seeking autocrat.

In Kosovo, Krouchner's responsibilities range from censoring the local
press when it offends him to appointing all local government personnel
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/unandthe.htm to schmoozing
with international donors.

Adding muscle to Krouchner's administrative decisions such as
unilaterally ditching the Yugoslavian dinar for the mark are about 4,000
so called UNMIK police, many of whom are transplanted American cops. For
the heavy lifting, Krouchner can count on the 40,000 international
soldiers that make up KFOR, the Kosovo Implementation Force.
Along with putting down the occasional ethnic riot, protecting convoys
of refugees, and guarding the few small Serb enclaves remaining in
Kosovo, http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/simca.htm KFOR and the
UNMIK police occasionally uncover caches of weapons belonging to the
officially disarmed Kosovo Liberation Army.
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/u.htm#disarm

Such operations are usually followed up with robust KFOR statements
reaffirming their commitment to "building a multiethnic society."

Yet, strangely, the ethnic cleansing this time Albanian against Serb
and Roma (Gypsy) never stops.

VIOLENCE STILL

"This place is a shit hole. All the young people I meet, I tell 'em: get
out! Go to another country," booms Doc Giles, a tanned, muscled American
cop who speaks in a thick, south-Jersey accent. A longtime narc-officer
from hyperviolent Camden, N.J., Giles has spent the last year working
homicide in Pristina with UNMIK. The pack on his bike sports a "Daniel
Faulkner: fallen not forgotten" button. (Faulkner was the cop whom death
row inmate and journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal may or may not have murdered
18 years ago in Philadelphia.)

Giles's maggot's-eye view of interethnic relations is sobering: "Look,
all the perps are oo-che-kaa," Giles says, using the Albanian form for
the Kosovo Liberation Army's acronym. "They're fucking gangsters. I
don't care what anyone says they're an organized crime structure. And
all the judges are either scared or pro-KLA. They're like: you shot a
89-year-old Serb grandmother? Good for you. Get out of jail."

Of the province's 276 judges, only two are Serb, so Albanian hit squads
operate with near total impunity. Among their favorite targets during
the last year have been Orthodox churches and monasteries, more than 85
of which have been burned, looted, or demolished, according to both the
U.N. and a detailed report by the Serbian Orthodox Church.
After hearing one of Giles's rants about KLA death squads and
15-year-old Maldovan girls "turned out" as prostitutes
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/susan.htm, you'd almost agree
with his prescription: "What they should've done was put this place
under martial law, get a bunch of American cops from cities like Philly,
Dallas, and Denver to come in here and just kick the shit out of
everyone
for a few months. Then turn it over to your NGOs, or whatever."

Terrified merchants also tell stories of KLA thuggery.
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/reporter.htm "Ten percent. They take
10 percent of everything you make. And you pay or it's kaput," says a
nervous restaurateur in Prizren, an ancient town near the Albanian
border. He's a Kosovar Turk whose great-grandparents probably moved here
during the twilight of the Ottoman Empire, but he says that when he gets
enough money, he's taking his two children to Canada.

PRIVATIZATION

While Giles and his comrades recycle Albanian "perps" through a
nonworking judicial system, the U.N.'s paper pushers and its partner
organizations are hard at work trying to turn Kosovo into a free-market
paradise.

"We must privatize so as to secure investment and new technology. There
is no alternative," says Dianna Stefanova,
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/opening.htm director of the
European Agency for Reconstruction's office on privatization, which is
working under the auspices of UNMIK and Krouchner.

But the industries located in Kosovo are not UNMIK's to privatize. Nor
does the wording of Security Council resolution 1244 the document
defining the U.N.'s role in Kosovo give UNMIK the power to sell off
local industries. And when Krouchner made his pitch for mass
privatization to the Security Council in late June, he met with stiff
opposition from the Russians.

Oddly, despite the U.N.-NATO occupation, resolution 1244 recognizes
Kosovo as an integral province of Yugoslavia and does not empower the
U.N. to privatize. To get around this, Krouchner has devised a creative
bit of legerdemain: the U.N. isn't actually selling off assets; it's
just offering 10- and 15-year leases to foreign transnationals. The
first industry to go was the huge Sharr Cement factory, leased to the
Swiss firm Holderbank. "Sharr could produce all the cement for
reconstruction, and even export," says Roy Dickinson, a privatization
specialist with the European Agency for Reconstruction.

The next assets on the block are a series of vineyards and wine
cooperatives, but the ultimate prize is the gargantuan Trepca mining and
metallurgical complex that sprawls across northern Kosovo and into the
mountains of southern Serbia.
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/inthewee.htm
Since Roman times, foreign armies have targeted these massive mineral
deposits. Hitler took Trepca in 1941, and thereafter the mines some of
the richest in the world supplied German munitions factories with 40
percent of their lead inputs.

Trepca contains all of Yugoslavia's nickel deposits and three-quarters
of its other mineral wealth; during the 1990s the 42 mines and attendant
factories were one of Yugoslavia's leading export industries.
The Belgrade government and a private Greek bank that has also invested
in the mines insist that Trepca shall not change hands. The U.N. isn't
so sure. "The question of who gets what will be settled by a panel of
judges that UNMIK is still setting up," says a coy Stefanova. In the
meantime UNMIK is drawing up plans to downsize local industries and
streamline enterprise to appeal to foreign investors. But there's
another piece in the equation: who controls the land above the mines?
That, of course, brings us back to the issue of ethnic cleansing.

BALKAN BELFAST

The swift and shallow river Ibar, bisecting the town of Mitrovic, is the
front line in an unfinished war that pits Albanians against Serbs and
Roma. All non-Albanians have been expelled from south of the Ibar and
all Albanians driven from its northern bank.

[Emperor's Clothes note: Regarding the area North of the Ib,
the statement is incorrect, according to Oliver Ivanovic, a key leader
on the North shore. He insists that a large Albanian community remains,
and though relations are cold the Serbs have no desire to drive these
people out; quite the contrary.]
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/avictory.htm
Thus crossing into north Mitrovic is much like entering Serbia: the
language, the music, and the beer are all Serbian, and people use the
dinar. This is also the heart of the Trepca complex.
Here, despite occupation by French troops
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/whyisthe.htm the Belgrade
government still pays salaries and pensions and still provides health
care.

And if even a fraction of U.N. and KFOR accusations are true, then some
of the hard men with mobile phones who lounge at the Dolce Vita Cafe on
the banks of the Ibar are probably undercover cops from Serbia (some of
whom, you will recall, have been indicted by the International Tribunal
on War Crimes at the Hague and could be arrested by KFOR).

"We're in a prison, and under attack," a young Serb named Branislav
says. "If I cross that bridge, I'll be killed."
This, it seems, is the future: an ethnically "pure" and therefore
"stable" Albanian Kosovo in the south, hosting huge NATO installations
like the sprawling 775-acre American base Bondsteel, with its 4000 G.I.s
on the plains of southeast Kosovo. In the north, on the other hand,
astride some small part of the Trepca mines and in a few other spots,
Serb and Roma ghettos will remain, possibly as parts of Serbia. And in
the places where these communities overlap there will be trouble and,
therefore, a plausible reason for the West to maintain a long-term
military presence.


[Reprinted from the The San Francisco Bay Guardian, August 23, 2000]


---


The lies of war crimes mass graves

by Kevin Ovenden

KOSOVO. THREE men in a car hurl a grenade at a group of children playing
basketball and then
speed off.
Nine children are left injured. All are lucky to be alive. This gruesome
scene is not from early last
year. It happened last week in the village of Crkvena Vodica, and the
victims were Serb, not
Albanian. The Guardian gave just two paragraphs to the story on
Saturday.
Shootings, bombings, kidnappings, murders and intimidation have forced
most of Kosovo's
pre-war Serb and Roma Gypsy populations to flee. The Guardian and the
rest of the press
justified NATO's intervention as the only way to stop "ethnic cleansing"
against Albanians. Well,
NATO now occupies Kosovo and ethnic cleansing is continuing, this time
against non-Albanians
and those who defend them. On Friday a bomb damaged a building which
houses the offices of
Ibrahim Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo, and of the authority
representing Serbs in
Kosovo. But, say the Guardian, foreign secretary Robin Cook, and NATO
chief George Robertson,
such killings are as nothing compared with the atrocities committed by
Serb forces in Kosovo.
Remember the claims by NATO governments during the war about obscene
atrocities and
"genocide" by Serbs in Kosovo? US defence secretary William Cohen said
as the bombing
intensified in March that 100,000 Albanian men of military age were
missing, adding, "They may
have been murdered."
The media dutifully repeated the wartime propaganda. Even the left of
Labour paper Action for
Solidarity ["Shachtmanist entryists" in Blair's party] quoted "100,000
Young Men Slaughtered".
Opponents of the war faced vilification, particularly at the hands of
allegedly liberal journalists
who backed the bombing. John Sweeney, journalist on the Guardian's
sister paper, the Observer,
accused anti-war campaigner John Pilger of being an apologist for mass
murder.

Remit

Sweeney predicted that those against the war would hang their heads in
shame when the war
ended and "tens of thousands of bodies are discovered in mass graves".
Investigators for the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia reported last week.
After a year of examining hundreds of sites they discovered less than
3,000 bodies of civilians in
the whole of Kosovo.
That figure fits the estimate by the International Committee of the Red
Cross earlier this year of
about 2,400 Albanian dead. The tribunal's findings are significant.
It is a pro-Western body. Its remit excludes investigating NATO war
crimes. It is allowed to retry
someone found innocent until it gets a conviction. Its rules of evidence
favour the prosecution.
And much of its $93 million budget comes from private sources, notably
US billionaire George
Soros.
Yet its investigators say they have not found mass graves. Rather,
according to Benedicte
Giaever of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
"What we have are
consistent small numbers-two here, five there, ten here, seven there."

Shot

The tribunal refuses to say how many of those people were shot at close
range - executed - and
how many were killed by long range fire or explosions, what NATO refers
to as "collateral
damage" when its bombs kill civilians.
"Those of us who opposed the war are absolutely vindicated. We were
right to challenge NATO's
claims because this will happen again," said Phillip Knightley, author
and anti-war campaigner.
Serbian forces did commit atrocities in Kosovo but on nothing like the
scale NATO and the media
claimed-and mainly after NATO started bombing.
Audrey Gillan was one of the few journalists to say this at the time.
She described again in the
Guardian on Monday how journalists were under instructions from their
editors at the time to
come up with the most grotesque atrocity stories.
Basic procedures, such as checking facts or taking account of the
distressed state of Albanian
refugees, went out the window. The Guardian now blames NATO governments
for misleading the
public over the scale of the horror and the success of the bombing,
conveniently whitewashing the
media's role.
It still backs the bombing "in spite of the lies". It gives no apology
for spreading those lies or for
refusing space to anti-war campaigners. "Liberal bombers" such as
Sweeney and Jonathan
Freedland have yet to admit they were wrong. They are quite prepared to
churn out the same stuff
the next time the West goes to war.
Who exactly should be hanging their heads in shame?

from:
Socialist Worker [London weekly], No. 1711, 26 August 2000
http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/

---


> From Antiwar.com (25. 8. 2000)
>
>
>
> KLA commanders trained in Albania
>
> Wednesday, 23 August 2000 12:45 (ET)
>
>
> KLA commanders trained in Albania
> By LULZIM COTA
>
> TIRANA, Albania, Aug. 23 (UPI) - Senior Kosovo Liberation Army
commanders
> trained in Albania starting in 1991, KLA deputy chief of staff Colonel
> Dilaver Goxhaj, said in interview published here on Wednesday "The
organized
> military training of Kosovo men continued until 1993 when Albania's police
> arrested Adem Jashari for illegal possession of weapons," Goxhaj said in
the
> interview with the daily Shekulli.
>
> Jashari, the first KLA commander, was killed together with 56 relatives,
> including children, when the Yugoslav army shelled his home in Prekaz, in
> March 1998. The incident inspired a rapid rise in the size of the KLA
which,
> according to Goxhaj, numbered 19,800 fighters before NATO air strikes
on
> Yugoslavia began on March 24, 1999.
>
> Goxhaj was born in Gjirokastra, south Albania, close to Greek border
and
> educated at a military school. Until 1993 Goxhaj was an instructor in the
> use of anti aircraft guns at the Albanian Military Academy. He joined the
> KLA in September 1998 and became deputy chief of staff. In Kosovo he was
> known as Commander Shpetim Golemi. Now back in Albania, he did not say
> whether he will return to Kosovo.
>
> The KLA set up a staff in December 1993, Goxhaj said, after "intensive
> preparation in Albania and a propaganda campaign in Kosovo and abroad."
> Another Albanian military expert, who had taught Jashari the use of
infantry
> weapons, confirmed Goxhaj story.
>
> According to Goxhaj's interview, there was close cooperation between the
> KLA, NATO and Albania's army in exchanging information about Yugoslav army
> movements, techniques and coordinates. Goxhaj confirms NATO had informed
> them when the air strikes were to begin. "We were in the KLA headquarters
in
> Kostrec village when Hashim Thaci, our chief commander, phoned from
Brussels
> and said 'today at 20 hours NATO will start air strikes."
>
> "NATO asked us to mark Serb army targets, their position, number,
> ammunition, the presence of anti-aircraft guns and their distance from
> civilians." NATO agreed to bomb only when civilian populations or KLA
forces
> were at least a kilometer from the Serb positions, Goxhaj said. All cases
of
> NATO hitting civilians or KLA forces, he said, followed from its aircraft
> finding targets for themselves and not as a result of information provided
> by the KLA.
>
> KLA forces doubled in size during the Kosovo fighting, Goxhai said. Some
> 10,000 Kosovo men and women joined after the Serbs began ethnic cleansing
> operations and another 11,000 volunteers came from the United States and
> Europe.
>
> Between November 28, 1997, when the KLA publicly announced its
existence,
> and June 20, 1999, when fighting ended, 2,000 members were killed and
4,800
> injured, he said. There were 12,000 civilian victims and 10,000 injured
> during the same period. Goxhaj's figures are lower than NATO reports on
the
> Kosovo conflict.
>
> Goxhaj thanked the military hospital in Tirana for saving many KLA lives
> and an Albanian helicopter brigade for transporting the injured to the
> hospital. Before and during the conflict, Albania denied Belgrade
> accusations that it allowed the KLA training camps on its territory. After
> the conflict, Fatos Nano, Albanian premier during the conflict, admitted
> Albania's help to the KLA and said there had been contacts between KLA
> leaders and American officials including Richard Holbrook, currently U.S.
> ambassador to the United Nations.
>
> --
> Copyright 2000 by United Press International.
> All rights reserved.


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