Orig. auf deutscher Sprache:
Domino-Effekt (Troika-Eingriffe in Griechenland – GFP, 20/1/2015)
Mit massiven Eingriffen in die staatliche Souveränität Griechenlands sichern Berlin und die EU ihre politische Herrschaft über Südosteuropa. Wie Dokumente der in Athen ansässigen EU-Kontrollkommission unter Führung zweier deutscher Beamter belegen, erhält die Athener Regierung Anweisungen, wie das griechische Parlament zu umgehen sei. Den absehbaren Folgen dieser Eingriffe, die Proteste hervorrufen und das Lager der Oppositionsparteien stärken, begegnet Berlin mit Zahlungen an griechische Journalisten, Kirchenvertreter und Künstler. Die Einflussnahmen gelten der griechischen Öfferntlichkeit, sollen lauter werdende Forderungen nach Begleichung von Schulden aus NS-Verbrechen neutralisieren und sind geeignet, eine Klage der jüdischen Gemeinde von Thessaloniki gegen die Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu unterlaufen. Die Finanzierung hat das Auswärtige Amt übernommen, um die griechische "Zivilgesellschaft" mit dem deutschen Elitenmilieu zu vernetzen...
In the correspondence marked "strictly confidential" between the Troika and the Greek government, comments on proposed legislation were in marginal notes, such as "to be rejected" or "insufficient." When imposing mass layoffs, the parliamentary process should be circumvented, according to the document. "It would be wrong to create a commotion in parliament, when we can propose and implement other solutions, to achieve our goals," according to an email addressed to the government in Athens by the EU controllers Matthias Mors und Klaus Masuch from Germany. "These documents are evidence of an anti-democratic policy, seeking means to bypass parliament when implementing laws" wrote the Investigative magazine Hot Doc in Athens.
One Hundred Billion
These revelations confirm what the electorate of the Greek left-wing parties has suspected all along. Berlin must worry that a new government may raise ultimate demands for paying the debts stemming from the Nazis' crimes and the criminal financial transfers committed in Greece. During the German occupation, nearly 520,000 people were killed, including hostages and prisoners of the Athens/Chaidari and Thessaloniki concentration camps. Greece lost 7.2 percent of its pre-war population. The calculation of personal injuries and property damages - plus interests - remains inconclusive, but it far exceeds 100 billion Euros and is being assessed by Greece. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.)
In 2014, German President Gauck responded to Greek President Karolos Papoulias' devout plea for restitution, with the verdict: "judicial means have been exhausted." At best, "Germany is ... prepared to accept moral responsibility," Gauck said condescendingly. The German President simultaneously proposed unilateral German measures, of symbolic political initiatives and welfare measures barring legal claims, to avoid paying restitution. The foreign ministry has provided the first financial instruments.
Berlin's foreign ministry is allocating a million Euros under its 0502 budget heading for a "German-Greek Fund for the Future" - which happens to be German, but not Greek. The Greek government financially is not participating. When Greek President Papoulias paid an official visit to Berlin in September 2014, he was presented this fait accompli. Papoulias' presence, at the time, in the German Presidential Office was also used to announce the alleged foundation of a "German-Greek Youth Forum" - a hoax propagated by the government-financed Deutsche Welle Radio. To implement their unilateral initiative for that alleged "youth forum," the German side simply presented a "statement of intention," that the Greek Ambassador was compelled to sign in the Bellevue Castle without having cleared up fundamental issues - particularly contentious is how German war debts and the German Reich's criminal finance transfers will be handled.
With the initial funding from the 0502 budget heading, the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs is casting nets in Greece, to lure Greek journalists, representatives of the Orthodox Church and critical youth to make them pliable to Berlin's wishes. Similar enticing offers are being made to those working in the arts in Athens, Thessaloniki, Ioannina, Florina and Korfu, to get them to participate in German state-financed joint "projects." This offers an alluring perspective, given the widespread social misery, with an up to 50 percent unemployment rate and an empty national budget. The objective is to influence Greek public opinion and establish ties between this influential segment of Greek society and sectors of the German elite ("create networks with like-minded in Germany").
December 15, 2014, the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs pulled in its nets for the first time and held a reception in the ministry in Berlin for paid "groups of visitors from Greece" along with "representatives of the German civil society." The objective was to feed the guests' "exiting ideas" into the German lobbying concepts, to develop an "overall political strategy." This is intended to absolutely avoid paying restitution of the billions in unpaid damages that Germany owes Greece.
Without Legal Claims
The German foreign ministry is "particularly" interested in "representatives of victimized communities," "especially from the Jewish community and martyred villages." The intent is to make them a "reconciliatory proposition," totally reversing the true relationship between the heirs of the culprits and the descendents of the victims. According to State's Minister in the Foreign Ministry, Michael Roth (SPD), this should lay the groundwork for "a dialogue with Greek civil society" to establish a common "commemoration culture" instead of paying German debts. With this transparent appeal to an alleged common ground between the heirs of culprits and the descendents of victims, Roth offers "gestures of reconciliation" - a euphemism for cheap German acts of graciousness barring legal claims of Greek victims.
The strategy is obviously aimed at subverting the lawsuit submitted to the European Court of Human Rights, in Strasbourg in 2014 by the Jewish Community of Thessaloniki as well as neutralizing other intended suits by tens of thousands of survivors. In 1942, the German occupation administration extorted several billion drachmas from Thessaloniki's Jewish residents, in exchange for the promised liberation of approx. 10,000 members of their community in German captivity. Once the money was paid, the captives were freed for a short period, and two months later, deported with the German Reichsbahn to Auschwitz. Fifty thousand Greek Jews never returned from the German extermination camps. For decades, the Federal Republic of Germany has refused to pay back the money it had extorted. Athens had to turn over billions more as a war loan to Berlin. This also was never repaid.
In negotiations with a new Greek government, which, following next Sunday's elections could be comprised of a majority of the current opposition parties, Berlin's priority will be to prevent all financial claims relating to Nazi crimes, as much as to finding a solution to Greece's debt crisis. The possible payment of World War II damages could ultimately far exceed the losses from bank guarantees. As was remarked in the foreign ministry, even the smallest concessions in issues of restitutions for Nazi damages in Greece could have serious consequences, particularly with Italy ("Domino Effect"). Recently, Rome's Constitutional Court explicitly admitted civil suits against the Federal Republic of Germany for massacres committed by the Wehrmacht and Nazi death squads.