[srpskohrvatski / english] Among other celebrations, an international Conference was held in Belgrade on 19 April 2019 to mark the 100th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Socialist Workers' Party of Yugoslavia (unified party of the communists). For a more general Introduction to the Conference see the dedicated JUGOINFO post

Si è tenuta a Belgrado lo scorso 19 aprile una importante conferenza internazionale nel centesimo anniversario dalla fondazione del Partito Socialista dei Lavoratori di Jugoslavia – precursore del Partito Comunista jugoslavo. 
Alla conferenza, organizzata dal Coordinamento dei Partiti Comunisti e dei Lavoratori dello spazio jugoslavo, hanno partecipato le delegazioni delle forze che fanno parte del Coordinamento stesso – SRP (Croazia), KS (Serbia), KPM (Macedonia), JKPCG (Montenegro) e SKBiH (Bosnia-Erzegovina) – oltre a rappresentanti di partiti, organizzazioni e associazioni da Bulgaria, Germania, Grecia, Italia, Romania, Russia.
Di seguito il contributo dei Comunisti di Serbia (KS):
In English:
Belgrade, April 19, 2019

After only 11 years since the death of the lifelong president of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the president of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) comrade Tito, our common state was broken. This was decisively influenced by the fact that the republican leadership of league of communists was not up to the situation in which the country was found, both in political and economic terms. All over the world, especially in Europe there were dramatic changes, first of all it should be highlighted the breakdown of the east block, as well as the unification of Germany. The situation in Yugoslavia at that time was characterized by the economic problems mentioned in the previous expose.

In this period, two approaches to the issues of the future of the political system and relations in the Federation dominate in the Party - one that advocates the centralization of Yugoslavia, and the bearer of which was the LC of Serbia led by Slobodan Milosevic, and others, which advocates the confederation of the party and state, whose bearer was LC of Slovenia, led by Milan Kučan. The solution to the growing disagreement between the party leaders of republics was to be found at the 14th extraordinary Congress of the LCY, held in January 1990. However, instead of solving the problem, there was a culmination of the conflict and the breakup of the party. Immediately after the Congress, republic party organizations started transforming into social democratic and / or socialist parties, which ceased to exist with the League of Communists and which represented the final phase of counter-revolution in Yugoslavia.

Already in February and March of the same year the first opposition parties were formed, which first of all had national mark and presented the serious threat to the brotherhood and unity of the Yugoslav people and national minorities. In the period from April to December in 1990 in all Republics multi-party elections were held on which in Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina won nationalist parties, but in Slovenia and Macedonia opposition parties.

The nationalistic policy, led by the leadership in all the republics, caused the secession of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991 and break up of a common Yugoslav state. This was followed by a bloody civil war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which left unexpected consequences in all spheres of social life. The epilogue of these tragic events was the bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia by the NATO Pact in 1999 and the introduction of an international protectorate over Kosovo and Metohija.

With the break-up of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, six states were created, which are only seemingly independent, and in fact they implement the policy of Western powers - the owners of large-scale capital. In addition, on the territory of Republic of Serbia in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija NATO creation was established, so-called independent Kosovo. What characterizes the situation in all these states is the establishment of a capitalist system with mostly the liberal-capitalist features, impoverishment of the broad layer of people and enrichment of the small number of people associated with political elites and criminological structures. Industrial production has been reduced, imports of foreign products have drastically increased, exports of domestic products are mainly reduced to raw materials and semi-finished products, and considerably less to finished products. There is a significant lag in technological development compared to developed economies. The Foreign companies are owner of the significant part of important economic entities, and the employees who work in them are paid in a minor manner. Of course, workers who work with domestic capitalists are also poorly paid. The labor laws adopted by the bourgeois authorities are in the function of capital owners and almost all rights have been denied to workers. Trade unions, who by nature, should fight for the rights of workers, are in close contact with the authorities and do not accomplish their role.

In all spheres of life, starting with economics, education, health, culture, judiciary, general security, and so on, the situation in the newly created states is much worse than the situation in the SFRY. Particularly worrying is the relationship, and the lack of care for the young generation, which because of a difficult economic situation, affects them not to see their prospects in this region and massively go to other countries. This relates primarily to young university staff.

In the political scene, in addition to the bourgeois parties, which only seem to have a democratic sign, an important role is played by the forces defeated during the NLW (NOB). Particularly worrying is their glory, which in some cases has the support of state authorities.

In official relations between newly formed states, depending on internal political needs, they often use nationalist rhetoric, with the aim of redirecting the attention of citizens from important life issues to fictitious enemies and threats.

Communist and working parties in Yugoslavia do not play a significant role in social political life. In addition to the restrictions imposed by the bourgeois authorities which reflected through discriminatory provisions of regulations regulating the politically organizing and through the impossibility of placing attitudes in the media, this is also affected by the dissociation of communist and workers' organizations. As an example we state that in the Republic of Serbia there are four major communist parties and organizations that act independently and that the attempts at their unification so far have not yielded results.

It is encouraging that the Coordination Committee of the Communist and Workers' Parties was formed from the territory of Yugoslavia, through which the cooperation of the six parties in the struggle for the rights of the working class and the preservation and strengthening of the Yugoslav idea is realized, and which is the organizer of today's marking of this very important event in the history of the CPY and SFRY.
In addition to the mutual cooperation, the members of the Coordination Committee also have significant international cooperation with parties and organizations of the same political commitment, which is confirmed by the fact that six foreign delegations are present at our meeting.

Finally, on the basis of everything we have said, we can clearly conclude that the counter-revolution in Yugoslavia was carried out from the inside, by the main leaders and the organs of the parties at the republic level. Nationalists were dominant in the leadership, while the right Yugoslav Communists were in minority, or they were removed from the political scene. As Lenin long ago warned, "bad guys" from their own ranks destroyed both Party and Yugoslavia. For a holistic answer to the question why all of this happened, more time is needed. What is certain is that the vast majority of citizens lost so much through the break-up of Yugoslavia, and that the big capital and a narrow circle of people in the former republics benefited from it.


Na srpskohrvatskom:
Beograd, 19. Aprila 2019.god.

Nakon samo 11 godina od smrti doživotnog predsednika Socijalističke federativne republike Jugoslavije i predsednika SKJ, druga Tita došlo je do razbijanja naše zajedničke države. Na to je presudno uticala činjenica da republička rukovodstva SK nisu bila dorasla situaciji u kojoj se zemlja našla, kako u političkom tako i u ekonomskom smislu. U svetu, a posebno u Evropi, došlo je do dramatičnih promena, gde pre svega treba istaći raspad istočnog bloka, kao i ujedinjenje Nemačke. Situaciju u Jugoslaviji u to vreme karakterišu ekonomski problemi, o kojima je već bilo reči u prethodnom izlaganju.
U partiji u tom periodu preovladjuju dva pristupa pitanjima budućnosti političkog sistema i odnosa u federaciji – jedan koji zagovara centralizaciju Jugoslavije, i čiji je nosilac bio SK Srbije na čelu sa Slobodanom Miloševićem, i drugi, koji zagovara konfederalizaciju partije i države, čiji nosilac je bio SK Slovenije, na čelu sa Milanom Kučanom. Rešenje sve većega razmimoilaženja između republičkih partijskih rukovodstava trebao je da se pronadje na 14. vanrednom kongresu SKJ, održanom u januaru 1990. godine. Međutim, umesto rešenja problema došlo je do kulminacije sukoba i raspada partije. Neposredno nakon kongresa republičke partijske organizacije počinju sa transformacijom u socijaldemokratske, odnosno socijalističke partije, čime je prestao da postoji Savez komunista i što je predstavljalo završnu fazu kontarevolucije u Jugoslaviji.
Već u februaru i martu iste godine formiraju se i prve opozicione partije, koje prvenstveno imaju nacionalni predznak i predstavljaju ozbiljnu pretnju bratstvu i jedinstvu jugoslovenskih naroda i narodnosti. U periodu od aprila do decembra 1990. godine, u svim republikama su održani višestranački izboru, na kojima u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini pobedjuju nacionalističke stranke, a u Sloveniji i Makedoniji opozicione stranke.
Nacionalistička politika, koju su vodila rukovodsva u svim republikama, dovela je do secesije Slovenije i Hrvatske 1991. godine i do razbijanja zajedničke jugoslovenske države. Nakon toga je usledio krvavi građanski rata u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini, koji je ostavio nesagledive posledice u svim sferama društvenog života. Epilog ovih tragičnih događaja predstavljalo je bombardovanje Savezne republike Jugoslavije od strane NATO pakta 1999. godine i uvođenje međunarodnog protektorata nad Kosovom i Metohijom.
Razbijanjem Socijalističke federativne republike Jugoslavije, nastalo je šest državica, koje su samo naizgled nezavisne, a u stvari sprovode politiku zapadnih moćnika – vlasnika krupnog kapitala. Pored toga, na teritoriji Republike Srbije, na prostoru Kosova i Metohije formirana je NATO tvorevina, tzv nezavisno Kosovo.
Ono što karakteriše situaciju u svim ovim državicama je uspostavljanje kapitalističkog sistema, sa preovladjujućim liberalno kapitalističkim odlikama, osiromašenje najširih slojeva društva i enormno bogaćanje uskog sloja ljudi, povezanih sa političkom elitom i kriminogenim strukturama. Industrijska proizvodnja je smanjena, drastično je povećan uvoz stranih proizvoda, izvoz domaćih proizvoda se pretežno svodi na sirovine i poluproizvode, a znatno ređe na gotove proizvode. Izražen je značajan zaostatak u tehnološkom razvoju u odnosu na razvijene ekonomije. U vlasništvu stranih kompanija se nalazi značajan deo važnih privrednih subjekata, a radnici koju su u njima zaposleni su minorno plaćeni. Naravno, i radnici koji rade kod domaćih kapitalista su slabo plaćeni. Zakoni o radu, koje su donele buržoaske vlasti su u funkciji vlasnika kapitala i radnicima su uskratili gotovo sva prava. Sindikati, koji bi po prirodi stvari trebali da se bore za prava radnika, su u tesnoj vezi sa vlastima i ne ostvaruju svoju ulogu.
U svim sferama života, počev od ekonomije, prosvete, zdravstva, kulture, pravosuđa, opšte sigurnosti i sl. situacija u novostvorenim državicama je mnogo lošija u odnosu na stanje u SFRJ. Posebno zabrinjava odnos, odnosno nebriga za mladu generaciju, što uz teško ekonomsko stanje utiče da oni ne vide svoju perspektivu na ovim prostorima i masovno odlaze u druge države. To se pre svega odnosi na mlade visokoškolovane kadrove.
Na političkoj sceni, pored buržosakih partija koje samo prividno imaju demokratski predznak, važnu ulogu imaju snage pobeđene u toku NOB. Posebno zabrinjava njihovo veličanje, koje je u nekim slučajevima ima i podršku državnih organa.
U zvaničnim odnosima između novonastalih državica, zavisno od unutrašnjepolitičkih potreba, vrlo često se poseže za nacionalističkom retorikom, a sve sa ciljem da se pažnja gradjana preusmeri sa bitnih životnih pitanja na izmišljene neprijatelje i pretnje.
Komunističke i radničke partije na prostoru Jugoslavije nemaju značajniju ulogu u društveno političkom životu. Pored ograničenja koja dolaze od strane buržoaskih vlasti, a ogledaju se kroz diskriminišuće odredbe propisa kojima se reguliše političko organizovanjena i kroz nemogućnost plasiranja stavova u medijima, na ovakvo stanje utiče i razjedinjenost komunističkih i radničkih organizacija. Kao primer navodimo da u Republici Srbiji postoje četiri značajnije komunističke partije i organizacije, koje deluju samostalno i da dosadašnji pokušaji na njihovom ujedinjenju nisu dali rezultata.
Ohrabruje činjenica da je formiran Koordinacioni odbor komunističkih i radničkih partija sa prostora Jugoslavije, kroz čije delovanje se ostvaruje saradnja šest partija u borbi za prava radničke klase i očuvanje i jačanje jugoslovenske ideje, i koji je organizator današnjeg obeležavanja ovog veoma značajnog događaja iz istorije KPJ i SFRJ. Pored međusobne saradnje, partije članice Koordinacionog odbora ostvaruju i značajnu međunarodnu saradnju sa partijama i organizacijama istog političkog opredeljenja, što potvrdjuje i činjenica da našem skupu prisustvuje i šest inostranih delegacija.
Na kraju, na osnovu svega iznetog nedvosmisleno možemo zaključiti da je kontrarevolucija u Jugoslaviji izvedena iznutra, od strane najviših rukovodilaca i organa partije na republičkim nivoima. U rukovodstvima su preovladavali nacionalisti, dok je pravih komunista, jugoslovenski opredeljenih bilo malo, ili su sklonjeni sa političke scene. Kao što je Lenjin upozoravao još davnih dana, "mangupi" iz sopstvenih redova su uništili i partiju i Jugoslaviju. Za celovit odgovor na pitanje zašto se sve to desilo trebaće još vremena. Ono što je sigurno, jeste da je ogromna većina građana razbijanjem Jugoslavije izgubila, a da je krupni kapital i uzak krug ljudi u nekadašnjim republikama od toga imao koristi.