Jugoinfo
CAPO DELL'OSCE ABBANDONA PRISTINA SENZA PAGARE LA PIGIONE
L'ex capo della missione OSCE in Kosmet, Dan Everts,
e' debitore dei due terzi dell'affitto della abitazione
da lui utilizzata a Pristina nei mesi di permanenza.
Secondo la proprietaria dell'appartamento - una serba
fuggita dalla provincia in seguito alle pressioni dei
nazionalisti albanesi - Everts non ha corrisposto
quanto da lei richiesto e si e' a tutti gli effetti
autoridotto la pigione.
OSZE-Chef verläßt Pristina mit Mietschulden
PRISTINA, 14.Dezember 2001. Der ehemalige
Chef der OSZE-Mission in der serbischen
Provinz Kosovo und Metochien, Dan Everts,
hat für die von ihm während seiner Amtszeit
benutzte Wohnung zwei Drittel der Miete
nicht bezahlt. Die Besitzerin der Wohnung,
eine von Albanern vertriebene Serbin,
erhielt zwar eine Zahlung von Everts,
allerdings in einer Höhe die dieser selbst
festgelegt hatte, und welche nur etwa einem
Drittel der realistischen Miete entsprach.
STIMME KOSOVOS (AMSELFELD NEWSLETTER 14.12.2001 -
http://www.amselfeld.com)
L'ex capo della missione OSCE in Kosmet, Dan Everts,
e' debitore dei due terzi dell'affitto della abitazione
da lui utilizzata a Pristina nei mesi di permanenza.
Secondo la proprietaria dell'appartamento - una serba
fuggita dalla provincia in seguito alle pressioni dei
nazionalisti albanesi - Everts non ha corrisposto
quanto da lei richiesto e si e' a tutti gli effetti
autoridotto la pigione.
OSZE-Chef verläßt Pristina mit Mietschulden
PRISTINA, 14.Dezember 2001. Der ehemalige
Chef der OSZE-Mission in der serbischen
Provinz Kosovo und Metochien, Dan Everts,
hat für die von ihm während seiner Amtszeit
benutzte Wohnung zwei Drittel der Miete
nicht bezahlt. Die Besitzerin der Wohnung,
eine von Albanern vertriebene Serbin,
erhielt zwar eine Zahlung von Everts,
allerdings in einer Höhe die dieser selbst
festgelegt hatte, und welche nur etwa einem
Drittel der realistischen Miete entsprach.
STIMME KOSOVOS (AMSELFELD NEWSLETTER 14.12.2001 -
http://www.amselfeld.com)
CAPO DELL'OSCE ABBANDONA PRISTINA SENZA PAGARE LA PIGIONE
L'ex capo della missione OSCE in Kosmet, Dan Everts,
e' debitore dei due terzi dell'affitto della abitazione
da lui utilizzata a Pristina nei mesi di permanenza.
Secondo la proprietaria dell'appartamento - una serba
fuggita dalla provincia in seguito alle pressioni dei
nazionalisti albanesi - Everts non ha corrisposto
quanto da lei richiesto e si e' a tutti gli effetti
autoridotto la pigione.
OSZE-Chef verläßt Pristina mit Mietschulden
PRISTINA, 14.Dezember 2001. Der ehemalige
Chef der OSZE-Mission in der serbischen
Provinz Kosovo und Metochien, Dan Everts,
hat für die von ihm während seiner Amtszeit
benutzte Wohnung zwei Drittel der Miete
nicht bezahlt. Die Besitzerin der Wohnung,
eine von Albanern vertriebene Serbin,
erhielt zwar eine Zahlung von Everts,
allerdings in einer Höhe die dieser selbst
festgelegt hatte, und welche nur etwa einem
Drittel der realistischen Miete entsprach.
STIMME KOSOVOS (AMSELFELD NEWSLETTER 14.12.2001 -
http://www.amselfeld.com)
L'ex capo della missione OSCE in Kosmet, Dan Everts,
e' debitore dei due terzi dell'affitto della abitazione
da lui utilizzata a Pristina nei mesi di permanenza.
Secondo la proprietaria dell'appartamento - una serba
fuggita dalla provincia in seguito alle pressioni dei
nazionalisti albanesi - Everts non ha corrisposto
quanto da lei richiesto e si e' a tutti gli effetti
autoridotto la pigione.
OSZE-Chef verläßt Pristina mit Mietschulden
PRISTINA, 14.Dezember 2001. Der ehemalige
Chef der OSZE-Mission in der serbischen
Provinz Kosovo und Metochien, Dan Everts,
hat für die von ihm während seiner Amtszeit
benutzte Wohnung zwei Drittel der Miete
nicht bezahlt. Die Besitzerin der Wohnung,
eine von Albanern vertriebene Serbin,
erhielt zwar eine Zahlung von Everts,
allerdings in einer Höhe die dieser selbst
festgelegt hatte, und welche nur etwa einem
Drittel der realistischen Miete entsprach.
STIMME KOSOVOS (AMSELFELD NEWSLETTER 14.12.2001 -
http://www.amselfeld.com)
(Note: Antiwar.com is an American conservative web site,
nevetheless it opposes Western interventions in the Balkans)
> http://www.antiwar.com/malic/pf/p-m122001.html
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
December 20, 2001
A Trojan Horse in Belgrade
Beware Imperial Bureaucrats Bearing Gifts
Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes (tr.).
- Virgil, The Aeneid, 2:49
As 2001 draws to a close, so does a circle of
destruction in the Balkans
that began over a decade ago. From its role as an
all-too-partisan observer in the
beginnings of the Yugoslav crisis, the Empire has
gradually asserted itself as the maker and
breaker of kings and nations.
A decade after it set the rules for Yugoslavia's
bloody destruction, Europe is back at the end
of the beginning, trying to "mediate" the
survival of Yugoslavia's last remnant. Its
envoy is no other than Javier Solana, the Bomber of
Belgrade and Murderer of Macedonia. If
Macedonia's experience is anything to go by, where
Solana goes, Ambassador James Pardew cannot be
far behind. And though the United States currently
seems preoccupied with events farther East, it can hardly
miss an opportunity to crown its conquests in the
Balkans by finally subjugating Serbia.
UNNECESSARY MEDDLING
Vexing as it is that the leaders of Serbia - "reformist"
or not - even contemplate, let alone enthusiastically welcome,
the presence of NATO's erstwhile leader while
the Alliance still occupies a large chunk of Serbian
territory, the truly befuddling characteristic of recent talks
in Belgrade is that they were absolutely unnecessary.
Namely, in late October, Montenegro's secession-minded
chieftain met with his Belgrade counterparts and all agreed
that the issue of Yugoslavia's survival should
be put to a referendum (Reuters, Oct. 26). So persistent
was Milo Djukanovic's refusal to talk anything but
independence, that both Zoran Djindjic and Vojislav
Kostunica agreed (a rare enough event) that further
talks would be a waste of time. Perhaps they counted
on data indicating that Djukanovic could not win the
referendum unless he resorted to some heavy cheating.
God forbid, however, that anyone in the European Union's
sphere of influence dares achieve a mutually agreeable
settlement on any issue without the guidance of
Brussels bureaucrats. Their subjects might even
get the idea that existence without a mammoth transnational
state apparatus might be possible! On cue, the EU and
Solana got involved in a "new bid" to prevent the
"breakup" of Yugoslavia.
CURIOUSER AND CURIOUSER
It is possible that all three leaders completely forgot
about Europe's "bid" of similar nature some ten years ago,
or that they drew completely wrong conclusions
about Solana's "mediation" services in Macedonia.
Quite possibly, their vanities might have been flattered
by the European Union's attention to their internal power
squabble - though none seems to have paused to wonder as
to the motive behind this sudden curiosity. Yet none of
this explains why all three leaders promptly
forgot the agreement they had achieved and restarted
the talks that - quite predictably - stalled the same
way as before. These days, the oft-mentioned definition
of insanity - doing the same thing over and over
expecting a different result - seems to apply perfectly.
THE LOGIC OF LUNACY
Only when considering the pattern of Imperial interference
developed over the past decade does this kind of behavior
gain some inner pretense of logic. Left to their
own devices, chieftains of Balkans principalities
would likely have found some sort of modus vivendi to stave
off the original Yugoslavia's collapse in 1991 - for
they knew better than anyone the balance of power
in the region and the price of armed conflict. That
logic, however, ceased to apply the moment a powerful
outside force (whether the EU, the UN, NATO or
the US) got involved. At that point, all diplomatic,
propaganda and war effort went into enlisting that
force on one's own side, thus altering the balance of
power.
Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Macedonia
are living testaments that this strategy has been
effective, just as their dependent, corrupt
societies bear witness to the high price of currying
Imperial favor.
APPETITE FOR CORRUPTION
Apparently, Montenegro's Djukanovic initiated the latest
round of this "sycophant diplomacy" by declaring that he
would gladly renew the talks under Solana's
guidance. Why he did so is still a mystery,
however, since he had a better chance of seceding if
the EU - which officially opposes Montenegro's secession -
had been kept out of the deal.
Solana knew exactly which buttons to push in the case of
Serbia's eagerly pro-Imperial Prime Minister. Desperately
needing money to maintain a state apparatus,
and through it control all aspects of life in
Serbia, Djindjic was easily persuaded by the promise
of new IMF funding - and the threat that it could be
withheld. Only Kostunica was reportedly reluctant to
embrace the new talks - probably wondering about their
purpose. However, experience of the past year indicates
he will cave in after a while.
Djindjic and Djukanovic are two of a kind in many ways.
Both lack true popular support for governing, and rely
instead on the repressive state apparatus. It, in turn,
needs to be fed by money that in both cases comes
from the outside - the Empire, to be precise. Both are
being blackmailed by threats that the trough will run dry
unless they remain compliant, but both know that
turning off the spigots completely would deprive the
Empire of leverage and is thus extremely unlikely. As
a result, they both endeavor to make the best of the
bargain, while the Empire gives them just enough to
remain in power.
USE IT OR LOSE IT
The real enigma in this tragic trinity is Kostunica. He
may have been the poster-boy of the ragtag coalition that
forced Milosevic to abdicate power in October
2000, but he quickly found himself playing second
fiddle to the ruthless and much more ambitious Djindjic.
Having used Kostunica's popularity to become Serbia's
Prime Minister, Djindjic proceeded to seize the
reins of power both in the Serbian and - through allies -
the federal government.
Much has been written here about Djindjic's machinations,
his disregard for the law, the courts, the Constitution,
and even the rules of political conduct. Yet every
time Kostunica could have confronted him, he chose not
to. Now Djindjic controls all the levers of power in Serbia
and Yugoslavia, leaving Kostunica only in control of the
military, which is immobilized by the constant threat of
war crimes indictments from the Hague Inquisition
- which in turn has made no secret of preferring Djindjic
over Kostunica.
Keeping in mind Lord Acton's maxim that power corrupts,
Kostunica forgot that he was - for better or worse - already
in power, and had to use it to the best of his conscience
or lose it entirely. Kostunica's fear of possible abuse
of power immobilized him; he chose not to act when action
was called for. This allowed someone with less moral fiber
(but more determination) to usurp and abuse the power in
a very real way, thus ironically vindicating Lord
Acton's dictum.
OF A LARGE WOODEN HORSE
So far, the "negotiations" in Belgrade have exhibited a
typical pattern of Imperial meddling into affairs the
local leaders have been perfectly capable of settling
peacefully on their own. They join the long history of
such sinister interference, from the most recent "peace
talks" in Macedonia to the ill-fated "Conference on
Yugoslavia" of the early 1990s. No one has yet bothered
to wonder why the EU is so enthusiastic about supposedly
preserving Yugoslavia now, when for the past ten years
it has been enthusiastic about its destruction.
It has long been said that the Balkans needed democracy to
prosper. Yet democracy - in its pure, unadulterated form (mob
rule) not yet hidden by the elaborate façade of propriety
developed in the Empire - is largely responsible for
the nations of former Yugoslavia and elsewhere being afflicted
with leaders interested solely in amassing power and personal
gain, all too willing to curry Empire's
favor in order to triumph in avoidable conflicts.
Thus deluded, it is easy for them to ignore the prophetic
warning of a war long ago, in a place not so far away:
"Beware of Greeks bearing gifts." Though in this case
the "Greek" is actually a Spaniard acting on behalf of
the European part of the Empire, his superfluous "gift" is
nonetheless a great wooden horse, in whose belly
who knows what deadly perils lie.
nevetheless it opposes Western interventions in the Balkans)
> http://www.antiwar.com/malic/pf/p-m122001.html
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
December 20, 2001
A Trojan Horse in Belgrade
Beware Imperial Bureaucrats Bearing Gifts
Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes (tr.).
- Virgil, The Aeneid, 2:49
As 2001 draws to a close, so does a circle of
destruction in the Balkans
that began over a decade ago. From its role as an
all-too-partisan observer in the
beginnings of the Yugoslav crisis, the Empire has
gradually asserted itself as the maker and
breaker of kings and nations.
A decade after it set the rules for Yugoslavia's
bloody destruction, Europe is back at the end
of the beginning, trying to "mediate" the
survival of Yugoslavia's last remnant. Its
envoy is no other than Javier Solana, the Bomber of
Belgrade and Murderer of Macedonia. If
Macedonia's experience is anything to go by, where
Solana goes, Ambassador James Pardew cannot be
far behind. And though the United States currently
seems preoccupied with events farther East, it can hardly
miss an opportunity to crown its conquests in the
Balkans by finally subjugating Serbia.
UNNECESSARY MEDDLING
Vexing as it is that the leaders of Serbia - "reformist"
or not - even contemplate, let alone enthusiastically welcome,
the presence of NATO's erstwhile leader while
the Alliance still occupies a large chunk of Serbian
territory, the truly befuddling characteristic of recent talks
in Belgrade is that they were absolutely unnecessary.
Namely, in late October, Montenegro's secession-minded
chieftain met with his Belgrade counterparts and all agreed
that the issue of Yugoslavia's survival should
be put to a referendum (Reuters, Oct. 26). So persistent
was Milo Djukanovic's refusal to talk anything but
independence, that both Zoran Djindjic and Vojislav
Kostunica agreed (a rare enough event) that further
talks would be a waste of time. Perhaps they counted
on data indicating that Djukanovic could not win the
referendum unless he resorted to some heavy cheating.
God forbid, however, that anyone in the European Union's
sphere of influence dares achieve a mutually agreeable
settlement on any issue without the guidance of
Brussels bureaucrats. Their subjects might even
get the idea that existence without a mammoth transnational
state apparatus might be possible! On cue, the EU and
Solana got involved in a "new bid" to prevent the
"breakup" of Yugoslavia.
CURIOUSER AND CURIOUSER
It is possible that all three leaders completely forgot
about Europe's "bid" of similar nature some ten years ago,
or that they drew completely wrong conclusions
about Solana's "mediation" services in Macedonia.
Quite possibly, their vanities might have been flattered
by the European Union's attention to their internal power
squabble - though none seems to have paused to wonder as
to the motive behind this sudden curiosity. Yet none of
this explains why all three leaders promptly
forgot the agreement they had achieved and restarted
the talks that - quite predictably - stalled the same
way as before. These days, the oft-mentioned definition
of insanity - doing the same thing over and over
expecting a different result - seems to apply perfectly.
THE LOGIC OF LUNACY
Only when considering the pattern of Imperial interference
developed over the past decade does this kind of behavior
gain some inner pretense of logic. Left to their
own devices, chieftains of Balkans principalities
would likely have found some sort of modus vivendi to stave
off the original Yugoslavia's collapse in 1991 - for
they knew better than anyone the balance of power
in the region and the price of armed conflict. That
logic, however, ceased to apply the moment a powerful
outside force (whether the EU, the UN, NATO or
the US) got involved. At that point, all diplomatic,
propaganda and war effort went into enlisting that
force on one's own side, thus altering the balance of
power.
Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Macedonia
are living testaments that this strategy has been
effective, just as their dependent, corrupt
societies bear witness to the high price of currying
Imperial favor.
APPETITE FOR CORRUPTION
Apparently, Montenegro's Djukanovic initiated the latest
round of this "sycophant diplomacy" by declaring that he
would gladly renew the talks under Solana's
guidance. Why he did so is still a mystery,
however, since he had a better chance of seceding if
the EU - which officially opposes Montenegro's secession -
had been kept out of the deal.
Solana knew exactly which buttons to push in the case of
Serbia's eagerly pro-Imperial Prime Minister. Desperately
needing money to maintain a state apparatus,
and through it control all aspects of life in
Serbia, Djindjic was easily persuaded by the promise
of new IMF funding - and the threat that it could be
withheld. Only Kostunica was reportedly reluctant to
embrace the new talks - probably wondering about their
purpose. However, experience of the past year indicates
he will cave in after a while.
Djindjic and Djukanovic are two of a kind in many ways.
Both lack true popular support for governing, and rely
instead on the repressive state apparatus. It, in turn,
needs to be fed by money that in both cases comes
from the outside - the Empire, to be precise. Both are
being blackmailed by threats that the trough will run dry
unless they remain compliant, but both know that
turning off the spigots completely would deprive the
Empire of leverage and is thus extremely unlikely. As
a result, they both endeavor to make the best of the
bargain, while the Empire gives them just enough to
remain in power.
USE IT OR LOSE IT
The real enigma in this tragic trinity is Kostunica. He
may have been the poster-boy of the ragtag coalition that
forced Milosevic to abdicate power in October
2000, but he quickly found himself playing second
fiddle to the ruthless and much more ambitious Djindjic.
Having used Kostunica's popularity to become Serbia's
Prime Minister, Djindjic proceeded to seize the
reins of power both in the Serbian and - through allies -
the federal government.
Much has been written here about Djindjic's machinations,
his disregard for the law, the courts, the Constitution,
and even the rules of political conduct. Yet every
time Kostunica could have confronted him, he chose not
to. Now Djindjic controls all the levers of power in Serbia
and Yugoslavia, leaving Kostunica only in control of the
military, which is immobilized by the constant threat of
war crimes indictments from the Hague Inquisition
- which in turn has made no secret of preferring Djindjic
over Kostunica.
Keeping in mind Lord Acton's maxim that power corrupts,
Kostunica forgot that he was - for better or worse - already
in power, and had to use it to the best of his conscience
or lose it entirely. Kostunica's fear of possible abuse
of power immobilized him; he chose not to act when action
was called for. This allowed someone with less moral fiber
(but more determination) to usurp and abuse the power in
a very real way, thus ironically vindicating Lord
Acton's dictum.
OF A LARGE WOODEN HORSE
So far, the "negotiations" in Belgrade have exhibited a
typical pattern of Imperial meddling into affairs the
local leaders have been perfectly capable of settling
peacefully on their own. They join the long history of
such sinister interference, from the most recent "peace
talks" in Macedonia to the ill-fated "Conference on
Yugoslavia" of the early 1990s. No one has yet bothered
to wonder why the EU is so enthusiastic about supposedly
preserving Yugoslavia now, when for the past ten years
it has been enthusiastic about its destruction.
It has long been said that the Balkans needed democracy to
prosper. Yet democracy - in its pure, unadulterated form (mob
rule) not yet hidden by the elaborate façade of propriety
developed in the Empire - is largely responsible for
the nations of former Yugoslavia and elsewhere being afflicted
with leaders interested solely in amassing power and personal
gain, all too willing to curry Empire's
favor in order to triumph in avoidable conflicts.
Thus deluded, it is easy for them to ignore the prophetic
warning of a war long ago, in a place not so far away:
"Beware of Greeks bearing gifts." Though in this case
the "Greek" is actually a Spaniard acting on behalf of
the European part of the Empire, his superfluous "gift" is
nonetheless a great wooden horse, in whose belly
who knows what deadly perils lie.
(Note: Antiwar.com is an American conservative web site,
nevetheless it opposes Western interventions in the Balkans)
> http://www.antiwar.com/malic/pf/p-m122001.html
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
December 20, 2001
A Trojan Horse in Belgrade
Beware Imperial Bureaucrats Bearing Gifts
Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes (tr.).
- Virgil, The Aeneid, 2:49
As 2001 draws to a close, so does a circle of
destruction in the Balkans
that began over a decade ago. From its role as an
all-too-partisan observer in the
beginnings of the Yugoslav crisis, the Empire has
gradually asserted itself as the maker and
breaker of kings and nations.
A decade after it set the rules for Yugoslavia's
bloody destruction, Europe is back at the end
of the beginning, trying to "mediate" the
survival of Yugoslavia's last remnant. Its
envoy is no other than Javier Solana, the Bomber of
Belgrade and Murderer of Macedonia. If
Macedonia's experience is anything to go by, where
Solana goes, Ambassador James Pardew cannot be
far behind. And though the United States currently
seems preoccupied with events farther East, it can hardly
miss an opportunity to crown its conquests in the
Balkans by finally subjugating Serbia.
UNNECESSARY MEDDLING
Vexing as it is that the leaders of Serbia - "reformist"
or not - even contemplate, let alone enthusiastically welcome,
the presence of NATO's erstwhile leader while
the Alliance still occupies a large chunk of Serbian
territory, the truly befuddling characteristic of recent talks
in Belgrade is that they were absolutely unnecessary.
Namely, in late October, Montenegro's secession-minded
chieftain met with his Belgrade counterparts and all agreed
that the issue of Yugoslavia's survival should
be put to a referendum (Reuters, Oct. 26). So persistent
was Milo Djukanovic's refusal to talk anything but
independence, that both Zoran Djindjic and Vojislav
Kostunica agreed (a rare enough event) that further
talks would be a waste of time. Perhaps they counted
on data indicating that Djukanovic could not win the
referendum unless he resorted to some heavy cheating.
God forbid, however, that anyone in the European Union's
sphere of influence dares achieve a mutually agreeable
settlement on any issue without the guidance of
Brussels bureaucrats. Their subjects might even
get the idea that existence without a mammoth transnational
state apparatus might be possible! On cue, the EU and
Solana got involved in a "new bid" to prevent the
"breakup" of Yugoslavia.
CURIOUSER AND CURIOUSER
It is possible that all three leaders completely forgot
about Europe's "bid" of similar nature some ten years ago,
or that they drew completely wrong conclusions
about Solana's "mediation" services in Macedonia.
Quite possibly, their vanities might have been flattered
by the European Union's attention to their internal power
squabble - though none seems to have paused to wonder as
to the motive behind this sudden curiosity. Yet none of
this explains why all three leaders promptly
forgot the agreement they had achieved and restarted
the talks that - quite predictably - stalled the same
way as before. These days, the oft-mentioned definition
of insanity - doing the same thing over and over
expecting a different result - seems to apply perfectly.
THE LOGIC OF LUNACY
Only when considering the pattern of Imperial interference
developed over the past decade does this kind of behavior
gain some inner pretense of logic. Left to their
own devices, chieftains of Balkans principalities
would likely have found some sort of modus vivendi to stave
off the original Yugoslavia's collapse in 1991 - for
they knew better than anyone the balance of power
in the region and the price of armed conflict. That
logic, however, ceased to apply the moment a powerful
outside force (whether the EU, the UN, NATO or
the US) got involved. At that point, all diplomatic,
propaganda and war effort went into enlisting that
force on one's own side, thus altering the balance of
power.
Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Macedonia
are living testaments that this strategy has been
effective, just as their dependent, corrupt
societies bear witness to the high price of currying
Imperial favor.
APPETITE FOR CORRUPTION
Apparently, Montenegro's Djukanovic initiated the latest
round of this "sycophant diplomacy" by declaring that he
would gladly renew the talks under Solana's
guidance. Why he did so is still a mystery,
however, since he had a better chance of seceding if
the EU - which officially opposes Montenegro's secession -
had been kept out of the deal.
Solana knew exactly which buttons to push in the case of
Serbia's eagerly pro-Imperial Prime Minister. Desperately
needing money to maintain a state apparatus,
and through it control all aspects of life in
Serbia, Djindjic was easily persuaded by the promise
of new IMF funding - and the threat that it could be
withheld. Only Kostunica was reportedly reluctant to
embrace the new talks - probably wondering about their
purpose. However, experience of the past year indicates
he will cave in after a while.
Djindjic and Djukanovic are two of a kind in many ways.
Both lack true popular support for governing, and rely
instead on the repressive state apparatus. It, in turn,
needs to be fed by money that in both cases comes
from the outside - the Empire, to be precise. Both are
being blackmailed by threats that the trough will run dry
unless they remain compliant, but both know that
turning off the spigots completely would deprive the
Empire of leverage and is thus extremely unlikely. As
a result, they both endeavor to make the best of the
bargain, while the Empire gives them just enough to
remain in power.
USE IT OR LOSE IT
The real enigma in this tragic trinity is Kostunica. He
may have been the poster-boy of the ragtag coalition that
forced Milosevic to abdicate power in October
2000, but he quickly found himself playing second
fiddle to the ruthless and much more ambitious Djindjic.
Having used Kostunica's popularity to become Serbia's
Prime Minister, Djindjic proceeded to seize the
reins of power both in the Serbian and - through allies -
the federal government.
Much has been written here about Djindjic's machinations,
his disregard for the law, the courts, the Constitution,
and even the rules of political conduct. Yet every
time Kostunica could have confronted him, he chose not
to. Now Djindjic controls all the levers of power in Serbia
and Yugoslavia, leaving Kostunica only in control of the
military, which is immobilized by the constant threat of
war crimes indictments from the Hague Inquisition
- which in turn has made no secret of preferring Djindjic
over Kostunica.
Keeping in mind Lord Acton's maxim that power corrupts,
Kostunica forgot that he was - for better or worse - already
in power, and had to use it to the best of his conscience
or lose it entirely. Kostunica's fear of possible abuse
of power immobilized him; he chose not to act when action
was called for. This allowed someone with less moral fiber
(but more determination) to usurp and abuse the power in
a very real way, thus ironically vindicating Lord
Acton's dictum.
OF A LARGE WOODEN HORSE
So far, the "negotiations" in Belgrade have exhibited a
typical pattern of Imperial meddling into affairs the
local leaders have been perfectly capable of settling
peacefully on their own. They join the long history of
such sinister interference, from the most recent "peace
talks" in Macedonia to the ill-fated "Conference on
Yugoslavia" of the early 1990s. No one has yet bothered
to wonder why the EU is so enthusiastic about supposedly
preserving Yugoslavia now, when for the past ten years
it has been enthusiastic about its destruction.
It has long been said that the Balkans needed democracy to
prosper. Yet democracy - in its pure, unadulterated form (mob
rule) not yet hidden by the elaborate façade of propriety
developed in the Empire - is largely responsible for
the nations of former Yugoslavia and elsewhere being afflicted
with leaders interested solely in amassing power and personal
gain, all too willing to curry Empire's
favor in order to triumph in avoidable conflicts.
Thus deluded, it is easy for them to ignore the prophetic
warning of a war long ago, in a place not so far away:
"Beware of Greeks bearing gifts." Though in this case
the "Greek" is actually a Spaniard acting on behalf of
the European part of the Empire, his superfluous "gift" is
nonetheless a great wooden horse, in whose belly
who knows what deadly perils lie.
nevetheless it opposes Western interventions in the Balkans)
> http://www.antiwar.com/malic/pf/p-m122001.html
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
December 20, 2001
A Trojan Horse in Belgrade
Beware Imperial Bureaucrats Bearing Gifts
Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes (tr.).
- Virgil, The Aeneid, 2:49
As 2001 draws to a close, so does a circle of
destruction in the Balkans
that began over a decade ago. From its role as an
all-too-partisan observer in the
beginnings of the Yugoslav crisis, the Empire has
gradually asserted itself as the maker and
breaker of kings and nations.
A decade after it set the rules for Yugoslavia's
bloody destruction, Europe is back at the end
of the beginning, trying to "mediate" the
survival of Yugoslavia's last remnant. Its
envoy is no other than Javier Solana, the Bomber of
Belgrade and Murderer of Macedonia. If
Macedonia's experience is anything to go by, where
Solana goes, Ambassador James Pardew cannot be
far behind. And though the United States currently
seems preoccupied with events farther East, it can hardly
miss an opportunity to crown its conquests in the
Balkans by finally subjugating Serbia.
UNNECESSARY MEDDLING
Vexing as it is that the leaders of Serbia - "reformist"
or not - even contemplate, let alone enthusiastically welcome,
the presence of NATO's erstwhile leader while
the Alliance still occupies a large chunk of Serbian
territory, the truly befuddling characteristic of recent talks
in Belgrade is that they were absolutely unnecessary.
Namely, in late October, Montenegro's secession-minded
chieftain met with his Belgrade counterparts and all agreed
that the issue of Yugoslavia's survival should
be put to a referendum (Reuters, Oct. 26). So persistent
was Milo Djukanovic's refusal to talk anything but
independence, that both Zoran Djindjic and Vojislav
Kostunica agreed (a rare enough event) that further
talks would be a waste of time. Perhaps they counted
on data indicating that Djukanovic could not win the
referendum unless he resorted to some heavy cheating.
God forbid, however, that anyone in the European Union's
sphere of influence dares achieve a mutually agreeable
settlement on any issue without the guidance of
Brussels bureaucrats. Their subjects might even
get the idea that existence without a mammoth transnational
state apparatus might be possible! On cue, the EU and
Solana got involved in a "new bid" to prevent the
"breakup" of Yugoslavia.
CURIOUSER AND CURIOUSER
It is possible that all three leaders completely forgot
about Europe's "bid" of similar nature some ten years ago,
or that they drew completely wrong conclusions
about Solana's "mediation" services in Macedonia.
Quite possibly, their vanities might have been flattered
by the European Union's attention to their internal power
squabble - though none seems to have paused to wonder as
to the motive behind this sudden curiosity. Yet none of
this explains why all three leaders promptly
forgot the agreement they had achieved and restarted
the talks that - quite predictably - stalled the same
way as before. These days, the oft-mentioned definition
of insanity - doing the same thing over and over
expecting a different result - seems to apply perfectly.
THE LOGIC OF LUNACY
Only when considering the pattern of Imperial interference
developed over the past decade does this kind of behavior
gain some inner pretense of logic. Left to their
own devices, chieftains of Balkans principalities
would likely have found some sort of modus vivendi to stave
off the original Yugoslavia's collapse in 1991 - for
they knew better than anyone the balance of power
in the region and the price of armed conflict. That
logic, however, ceased to apply the moment a powerful
outside force (whether the EU, the UN, NATO or
the US) got involved. At that point, all diplomatic,
propaganda and war effort went into enlisting that
force on one's own side, thus altering the balance of
power.
Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Macedonia
are living testaments that this strategy has been
effective, just as their dependent, corrupt
societies bear witness to the high price of currying
Imperial favor.
APPETITE FOR CORRUPTION
Apparently, Montenegro's Djukanovic initiated the latest
round of this "sycophant diplomacy" by declaring that he
would gladly renew the talks under Solana's
guidance. Why he did so is still a mystery,
however, since he had a better chance of seceding if
the EU - which officially opposes Montenegro's secession -
had been kept out of the deal.
Solana knew exactly which buttons to push in the case of
Serbia's eagerly pro-Imperial Prime Minister. Desperately
needing money to maintain a state apparatus,
and through it control all aspects of life in
Serbia, Djindjic was easily persuaded by the promise
of new IMF funding - and the threat that it could be
withheld. Only Kostunica was reportedly reluctant to
embrace the new talks - probably wondering about their
purpose. However, experience of the past year indicates
he will cave in after a while.
Djindjic and Djukanovic are two of a kind in many ways.
Both lack true popular support for governing, and rely
instead on the repressive state apparatus. It, in turn,
needs to be fed by money that in both cases comes
from the outside - the Empire, to be precise. Both are
being blackmailed by threats that the trough will run dry
unless they remain compliant, but both know that
turning off the spigots completely would deprive the
Empire of leverage and is thus extremely unlikely. As
a result, they both endeavor to make the best of the
bargain, while the Empire gives them just enough to
remain in power.
USE IT OR LOSE IT
The real enigma in this tragic trinity is Kostunica. He
may have been the poster-boy of the ragtag coalition that
forced Milosevic to abdicate power in October
2000, but he quickly found himself playing second
fiddle to the ruthless and much more ambitious Djindjic.
Having used Kostunica's popularity to become Serbia's
Prime Minister, Djindjic proceeded to seize the
reins of power both in the Serbian and - through allies -
the federal government.
Much has been written here about Djindjic's machinations,
his disregard for the law, the courts, the Constitution,
and even the rules of political conduct. Yet every
time Kostunica could have confronted him, he chose not
to. Now Djindjic controls all the levers of power in Serbia
and Yugoslavia, leaving Kostunica only in control of the
military, which is immobilized by the constant threat of
war crimes indictments from the Hague Inquisition
- which in turn has made no secret of preferring Djindjic
over Kostunica.
Keeping in mind Lord Acton's maxim that power corrupts,
Kostunica forgot that he was - for better or worse - already
in power, and had to use it to the best of his conscience
or lose it entirely. Kostunica's fear of possible abuse
of power immobilized him; he chose not to act when action
was called for. This allowed someone with less moral fiber
(but more determination) to usurp and abuse the power in
a very real way, thus ironically vindicating Lord
Acton's dictum.
OF A LARGE WOODEN HORSE
So far, the "negotiations" in Belgrade have exhibited a
typical pattern of Imperial meddling into affairs the
local leaders have been perfectly capable of settling
peacefully on their own. They join the long history of
such sinister interference, from the most recent "peace
talks" in Macedonia to the ill-fated "Conference on
Yugoslavia" of the early 1990s. No one has yet bothered
to wonder why the EU is so enthusiastic about supposedly
preserving Yugoslavia now, when for the past ten years
it has been enthusiastic about its destruction.
It has long been said that the Balkans needed democracy to
prosper. Yet democracy - in its pure, unadulterated form (mob
rule) not yet hidden by the elaborate façade of propriety
developed in the Empire - is largely responsible for
the nations of former Yugoslavia and elsewhere being afflicted
with leaders interested solely in amassing power and personal
gain, all too willing to curry Empire's
favor in order to triumph in avoidable conflicts.
Thus deluded, it is easy for them to ignore the prophetic
warning of a war long ago, in a place not so far away:
"Beware of Greeks bearing gifts." Though in this case
the "Greek" is actually a Spaniard acting on behalf of
the European part of the Empire, his superfluous "gift" is
nonetheless a great wooden horse, in whose belly
who knows what deadly perils lie.
