Jugoinfo
edited by alexander cockburn and
jeffrey st. clair
http://www.counterpunch.org/black.html
An Impartial Tribunal,
Really?
by Christopher Black
The indictment of Slobodan Milosevic for alleged war
crimes raises important questions about the impartiality
and, ultimately, the purpose of the International Criminal
Tribunal. For centuries, the independence of judicial bodies
has been considered one of the fundamental precepts of
the quest for justice. As Lord Hewart stated in 1924, it is
"...of fundamental importance that justice should not only be
done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be
done." It has also been said that there is nothing more
important than the public administration of justice. But in the
case of the International Criminal Tribunal a compelling
argument can be made that private justice has replaced
public justice, that even the appearance of fundamental
justice has been replaced by an open contempt for justice.
It is clear that from the beginning American, British, French
and German interests were behind the creation of the
Tribunal and worked ceaselessly behind the scenes in
order to create it. They first considered doing so in regards
to Iraq and Saddam Hussein, during the Gulf War. The idea
apparently originated with the United States Department of
the Army, which alone should tell you something about its
true purpose. The rhetoric used to justify such a body to
the general public was of course heavily seasoned with
concerns for "human rights" the "dignity of the individual",
"genocide" and "democracy".
However, they had a problem. It was
generally agreed that no such tribunal could be created
without the mechanism of a treaty which had to be ratified
by all those affected by it. There was no time to create
such a treaty with respect to Hussein so other methods
were used to put pressure on the Iraqi government. But
between 1991 and 1993, the use of an international criminal
court as a means of effecting policy and to be created by
the members of the Security Council, instead of by treaty
was pushed by those four countries. A draft treaty to
create a truly international criminal court, one which applied
to all states, the last in a long list of attempts dating back
to the 1890's, was put together. But its ratification has not
taken place as several important powers, particularly the
United States, refuse to sign it for fear of being caught in its
web. For thirty years the United States has tried to block
such a treaty. It opposes universal jurisdiction and it
opposes an independent prosecutor. It wants any
prosecutions to go through the Security Council subject to
its right of veto. In fact, Jesse Helms, the conservative US
senator said such a treaty, if presented to congress for
ratification would be "dead on arrival". It would seem that
the treaty is itself nothing more than window dressing to
satisfy the public that the nations of the world really care
about human rights and war crimes in order to complement
their rhetoric about it. For without ratification by the major
powers it is a dead letter. The United States remains
stubborn in its opposition to this treaty but then it has a bit
more to worry about than most countries.
The next opportunity to try this experiment was Yugoslavia.
In order to accelerate the break up of that country into
quasi-independent colonies, principally of Germany and the
United States, it was necessary to discredit their
leaderships. An effective propaganda weapon in such an
exercise is of course a tribunal with an international
character which the public will accept as a neutral
instrument of justice but which is controlled for political
ends.
The Tribunal was created by the Security Council in its
Resolutions 808 and 827 of 1993. Both resolutions stated
that the situation in Bosnia at that time, constituted a threat
to international peace and security and that a tribunal to
prosecute war criminals would help to restore peace. It all
sounds very nice until one realizes that there was no basis
for the characterization of the situation in Bosnia as a threat
to international peace. It was a civil war (partly controlled
by the very countries which wanted to create a tribunal).
But the members of the Security Council had to
characterize it that way otherwise the members of the
Security Council had no jurisdiction to act. The setup for
this characterization was Resolution 688 of 1991 in which
the Security Council stated that disregard for human rights
constitutes a threat to international security and can no
longer be treated as an internal matter. This
reinterpretation, this revision of the UN Charter, which in
fact undermines the very basis of the Charter was forcefully
advocated by the German foreign minister Mr. Genscher in
speeches he gave to the German parliament and to the
Canadian parliament in Ottawa and by British, French and
of course American ministers in speeches and
memorandums to each other.
Chapter VII of the UN Charter requires that there be a
threat to the peace or an act of aggression before the
Security Council can make use of its special powers set out
in that Chapter. It has always been interpreted to mean and
was meant to mean a threat to international peace not
national peace. The members of the Security Council
recognized this and so had to redefine a national problem
as an international one. Yet in all those speeches and
memoranda there is not one compelling reason given for
doing this except vague references to the collapse of the
socialist bloc, and the imperative to establish a new world
order. In fact, Mr. Genscher in his speech to the Canadian
parliament stated
unequivocally that no nation would any longer be allowed to
ignore Security Council decisions. Even if this redefinition
were a legitimate interpretation of the UN Charter, which it
is not, the UN Charter only speaks of economic measures
and then military measures, not judicial or criminal
measures.
Chapter VII has to be read in context with Chapter I of the
Charter which speaks of international cooperation in solving
international problems of an economic, social, cultural or
humanitarian character. It says nothing of humanitarian
problems of a national character. It states that the UN is
based on the principle of the sovereign equality of its
members, a fundamental principle of international law, and
the first guarantee of the right to self-determination of the
world's peoples. If a people does not have the right of
sovereignty, the right to self-determination is a sham. This
principle is completely denied by the creation of the
Tribunal. The Tribunal itself explicitly denies that this
principle applies in its own statements as do its political
supporters, but never, of course, in reference to
themselves.
Lastly, the Charter states that nothing contained in the
Charter shall authorize the UN to intervene in matters which
are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.
This fundamental principle, put in the Charter so that the UN
could not be used by some members to bully others has
also been fatally undermined by the creation of the
Tribunal. The members of the Security Council, more
precisely, the permanent members, now hold the opposite
position, and I submit, do so for reasons connected more
with imperialism not humanitarianism.
In light of these facts the Security Council's authority to
create such a tribunal is in my view more than questionable.
That it was created is to be credited to Madeleine Albright,
who used some effective persuasion with the Russian and
Chinese members to vote for its creation in return for
economic consideration and with a view to controlling
smaller states within their own spheres of interest.
Yugoslavia was the first experiment in using a quasi-judicial
international body to attack the principle of sovereignty.
And as the Americans have learned so well, the best way
to get your domestic population behind you as you proceed
to break another country, economically and militarily is to
get them to hate those in power in that country. The Serb
leadership was targeted, and transformed into caricatures
of evil. There were comparisons to Adolf Hitler, a
comparison used with surprising frequency by the United
States against the long list of nations it has attacked in the
last 50 years, though sometimes they are just labeled as
common criminals, like Manuel Noriega, or mad, like
Ghadaffi, if the leader or the country is too small to make
the Hitler comparison stick. I think Saddam Hussein was
the first to be compared to Hitler, and declared a common
criminal and a madman all at the same time.
The Tribunal from the outset was
the creation of particular
governments. Their motives are clear from the
preliminary discussions in the Security Council on the
creation of the court which focused almost entirely on
crimes allegedly committed by Serbs and their leadership.
Since its inception it has kept this focus. The majority of
indictments have been directed at Serbs even though there
is substantial evidence of the commission of serious war
crimes by Croats and Bosnian Muslims.
The Tribunal has jurisdiction over war crimes and crimes
against humanity, but crimes against peace, the worst
crime under the Nuremberg principles, are not within the
purview of the tribunal. The underlying reason for this is that
the members of the Security Council preferred to reserve
to themselves competence in the field of aggression and
similar crimes against peace. The members of the Security
Council have a very keen sense of humour or perhaps more
accurately, self-preservation.
In a statement to the Secretary-General of the United
Nation, Mr. Boutros-boutros Ghali, on January 21, 1994, by
Antonio Cassese the Tribunal's political character was
made quite clear when he said in reference to the role of
the Tribunal, "The political and diplomatic response
(to the Balkans conflict) takes into account the exigencies
and the tempo of the international community. The military
response will come at the appropriate time." In other
words, the Tribunal is considered a political response. He
went on to state, "Our tribunal will not be simply "window
dressing" but a decisive step in the construction of a new
world order."
The governing statute of the Tribunal states in Article 16
that the Prosecutor shall act independently as a separate
organ of the Tribunal and shall not seek or receive
instruction from any government or any other source.
Article 32 states that the expenses of the Tribunal shall be
borne by the regular budget of the United Nations. Both of
these provisions have been openly and continuously
violated.
The Tribunal itself, through its senior officials, openly brags
about its particularly close ties to the American
government. In her remarks to the United States Supreme
Court in Washington, D.C. on April 5th of this year, Judge
Gabrielle Kirk Mcdonald, President of the Tribunal, and an
American stated, "We benefited from the strong support of
concerned governments and dedicated individuals such as
Secretary Albright. As the permanent representative to the
United Nations, she had worked with unceasing resolve to
establish the Tribunal. Indeed, we often refer to her as the
"mother of the Tribunal". If she is the mother then Bill
Clinton is the father, as Louise Arbour confirmed by her
action of reporting to the President of the United States the
decision to indict Milosevic two days before she announced
it to the rest of the world, in blatant violation of her duty to
remain independent. Further, she and the current
prosecutor have made several public appearances with U.S
officials, including Madeleine Albright, and both have openly
stated that they rely on Nato governments for
investigations, governments which have a great interest in
the undermining of the Yugoslavian leadership.
In 1996, the prosecutor met with the Secretary-General of
Nato and the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe to
"establish contacts and begin discussing modalities of
cooperation and Assistance". On May 9th, 1996 a
memorandum of understanding between the Office of the
Prosecutor and Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers
Europe (SHAPE) was signed by both parties. Further
meetings have taken place since including that of the
president of the Tribunal with General Wesley Clark. The
memorandum of May 9th spelled out the practical
arrangements for support to the tribunal and the transfer of
indicted persons to the Tribunal. In other words, Nato
forces became the gendarmes of the Tribunal, not UN
forces, and the Tribunal put itself at the disposal of Nato.
This relationship has continued despite the Tribunal's
requirement to be independent of any national government
and, therefore, group of national governments.
The Tribunal has received substantial funds from individual
States, private foundations and corporations in violation of
Article 32 of its Charter. Much of its money has come from
the U.S. government directly in cash and donations of
computer equipment. In the last year for which public
figures are available, 1994/95, the United States provided
$700,000 in cash and $2,300,000 worth of equipment. That
same year the Open Society Institute, a foundation
established by George Soros, the American billionaire
financier, to bring "openness" to the former east bloc
countries contributed $150,000 and the Rockefeller family,
through the Rockefeller Foundation, contributed $50,000
and there have been donations from corporations such as
Time-Warner, and Discovery Products, both US
corporations. It also important to know that Mr. Soros'
foundation not only funds the Tribunal it also funds the main
KLA newspaper in Pristina, an obvious conflict of interest
that has not been mentioned once in the western press.
The Tribunal also receives money from the United States
Institute for Peace for its Outreach project, a public
relations arm of the Tribunal set up to overcome opposition
in the former Yugoslav republics to its work and the
constant criticisms of selective prosecution and the
application of double standards; objections which have
obvious merit and which are never answered by anyone at
the Tribunal or by any of its sponsors. The Institute for
Peace is stated to be " an independent, non-partisan
federal institution created and funded by Congress to
strengthen the nation's capacity to promote the peaceful
resolution of international conflict." .Established in 1984
under Ronald Reagan, its Board of Directors
is appointed by the President of the United States.
The Tribunal also receives support from the Coalition For
International Justice whose purpose is also to enhance
public opinion of the Tribunal. The CIJ was founded and is
funded by, again, George Soros' Open Society Institute
and something called CEELI, the Central and East
European Law Institute, created by the American Bar
Association and lawyers close to the U.S. government to
promote the replacement of socialist legal systems with
free market ones.
These groups also have supplied many of the legal staff of
the Tribunal. In her speech to the Supreme Court, Judge
Mcdonald said, "The Tribunal has been well served by the
tremendous work of a number of lawyers who have come
to the Tribunal through the CIJ and CEELI..." It is also
interesting to note that the occasion of Judge McDonalds
speech was her acceptance of an award from the
American Bar Association and CEELI. In the same speech
she also said," We are now seeking funding from states
and foundations to carry out this critical effort."
The new prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, on September 30, at
a press conference, thanked the director of the FBI for
assisting the tribunal and stated "I am very appreciative of
the important support that the U.S government has
provided the tribunal. I look forward to their continued
support." OnSeptember 29th, in response to a question as
to whether the tribunal would be investigating crimes
Committed in Kosovo after June 10, or crimes committed
by others (meaning Nato) in the Yugoslav theatre of
operations, "The primary focus of the Office of The
Prosecutor must be on the investigation and prosecution of
the five leaders of the FRY and Serbia who have already
been indicted." Why this "must" be is not explained. Why, if
the Tribunal is impartial wouldn't it be just as focussed on
Nato war crimes, the war crimes of Clinton, Schroeder ,
Chirac, Chretien etc? Why did it still need to investigate to
support the indictments against the leaders of the
government and military of Yugoslavia if there was already
evidence to justify those indictments?
Well, we can speculate why when we consider that the last
prosecutor, Louis Arbour, who was asked to investigate all
Nato leaders for war crimes, instead accepted a job from
one of them, the Prime Minister of Canada, Jean Chretien.
She now sits in the scarlet robes of a judge of the Supreme
Court of Canada, a lifetime appointment, her reward for
handing down the indictment against Mr. Milosevic, despite
the lack of evidence and (if you believe the reports of the
Spanish and RCMP forensic experts recently returned from
Kosovo) the continuing lack of evidence of the systematic
crimes he is accused of.
On April 19th Judge McDonald "expressed her deep
appreciation to the U.S. Government for its pledge of
$500,000 for the Outreach project which was announced
on April 16 by Harold Koh, U.S. Assistant Secretary of
State.
In her speech to the Council On Foreign Relations in New
York on May 12 of this year Judge McDonald stated," The
U.S. government has very generously agreed to provide
$500,000 and to help to encourage other States to
contribute. However, the moral imperative to end the
violence in the region is shared by all, including the
corporate sector. I am pleased, therefore, that a major
corporation has recently donated computer equipment
worth three million dollars, which will substantially enhance
our operating capacity."
From the start, the Office of the Prosecutor has had
meetings with NGO's that are eager to " cooperate with
and assist the tribunal", many of them linked to George
Soros through his Open Society Foundation. All this money
flows through a special UN account which is financed by
assessed contributions from member states and voluntary
contributions from states and corporations again in violation
of its statute. As an aside it's interesting that its role as a
propaganda tool was indirectly acknowledged by its own
staff when they failed to provide for a courtroom or holding
cells in their first budget of approximately $ 32 million
dollars. The Security Council sent them back to redraft the
budget to include those items. After all, this was supposed
to be a criminal tribunal! They did so. The difference was
an added expense of $500,000. It's also interesting to
know that three of its first four rooms in the Peace Palace
in the Hague were loaned to them by the Carnegie
Foundation.
In order to give itself the appearance of a judicial body the
Tribunal has persons appointed as judges, prosecutors,
clerks, investigators, and has its own rules of procedure
and evidence, its own prison system. It says it applies the
presumption of innocence. However, unlike criminal
courts, with which we are all familiar (or, perhaps not), the
court itself is involved in the laying of the charges. When a
charge is to be laid the approval of one of the trial judges
must be obtained. That approval is only given if a prima
facie case is established. That is, a case which if not
answered could result in a conviction. Yet, despite this
close relationship between the prosecutor and the judges
and the commitment to the charges the judges have made
by signing the indictment , the rules insist on the
presumption of innocence. This presumption is
compromised in other ways. The most egregious is that
upon arrest detention is automatic. There is no bail, no form
of release pending trial, unless the prisoner proves
"exceptional circumstances". Loss of job, loss of contact
with friends, family, indeed country is not sufficient. Even ill
health has not been sufficient to get bail. Prisoners are
treated as if they had been convicted. They are kept in
cells and have to obey prison rules, are subject to discipline
if they do not, constant surveillance, censored mail,
restricted family visits, communication with family at their
own expense and there are restrictions on what they can
see or hear on radio or television. Prisoners have had to
wait many months before a trial takes place, sometimes
years. Yet, still they insist these men are presumed
innocent. The question is by whom? By the judges, one of
whom laid the charge in the first place?
Its rules of evidence are relaxed so that protections on the
admission of hearsay evidence developed over centuries in
all national courts are set aside and replaced by an
anything is admissible if deemed relevant approach even if
it is hearsay. There is no jury. Witnesses can testify
anonymously, or not be shown in court. In its yearbook for
1994, this statement appears, "The tribunal does not need
to shackle itself with restrictive rules which have developed
out of the ancient trial-by-jury system." There are provisions
in the rules for closed hearings, in circumstances which are
vaguely defined, secret trials, the very essence of injustice
and of political courts. It is now increasing its use of sealed
indictments, so that no one knows if they have been
charged until the military police swoop down on them on the
street in any country. Suspects, persons not indicted, can
be detained for up to ninety days without charge. We all
know from experience what prisoners can undergo in a day
or two at the mercy of most police forces. Ninety days.
Anyone one of us here could be detained by the Tribunal
for that length of time. All they have to say is they have
some reason to suspect you. This is easily constructed.
Perhaps its most dangerous rule
is Rule 92 that states confessions shall be
presumed to be free and voluntary unless the contrary is
established (by the prisoner). Just think - presumed to be
free and voluntary after 90 days at the mercy of military
police and prosecutors. Almost every other court in the
world presumes the opposite or, because of the notorious
unreliability of confessions made in police custody are
moving to prohibit their use entirely. This Tribunal goes
back to the days of Star Chamber and the justice of the
13th century. Finally, we have imprisonment of those
sentenced in foreign countries so that not only are they
imprisoned, they are at the same time exiled. There is even
a special provision for the obtaining of evidence from
NGO's such as George Soros Open Society Foundation,
whose conflict of interest has already been mentioned.
Accused have the right to choose counsel on paper but in
reality that right is infringed by the Registrar who can
disqualify counsel for all sorts of reasons including being
unfriendly to the Tribunal. Such a counsel will be supplied if
the accuses insists strongly enough but it is not made easy.
There are cases in which the Registrar has barred lawyers
from particular countries because there are deemed to be
too many of them already representing accused persons,
and the use of its contempt powers is a powerful weapon
to intimidate counsel. Lawyers have been subject to large
fines for contempt.
No citizen of any country in the world would consider
themselves fairly tried before a court that was paid for,
staffed and assisted by private citizens or corporations
which had a direct stake in the outcome of the trial and who
were, themselves, in practical terms, immune from that
court. It is a well established principle of law that a party in
a legal action, whether civil or criminal, is entitled to ask for
the removal of any judge sitting on the case when there
exists a reasonable apprehension of bias. In this instance,
a compelling argument can be made that the bias is not
only apprehended, it is real, that it is not of one judge but of
the entire tribunal, that this is not a judicial body worthy of
international respect but a kangaroo court, a bogus court,
with a political purpose serving very powerful and
identifiable masters. To be consistent with my thesis I will
go further and say that as a political instrument designed to
violate, to destroy, the integrity and sovereignty of a
country, its creation is a crime against peace under the
Nuremberg Principles. Instead of resolving conflict as it
claims, it is used to justify conflict, instead of creating
peace, it is used to justify war and therefore is an
instrument of war.
Will Slobodan Milosevic receive
a fair trial if they take him? Will the leaders of Nato,
even be investigated let alone indicted for war crimes
committed in the brutal attack on the civilian population of
Yugoslavia, as my colleagues in Canada, South and Central
America, Spain, Norway, Greece, Britain, and the United
States have requested? As the English say, the proof is in
the pudding. Our requests have met with empty words and
no action. We made the requests in order to bring to the
attention of the world the crimes that were being committed
by Nato. We believe we have succeeded in that. If we have
not succeeded in bringing to justice the war criminals of
Nato, it is because we have exposed the political nature of
this Tribunal instead. It is up to all of us to act on this
knowledge.
Christopher Black is a Toronto defence lawyer and writer
and is one of the lawyers who made the request to the War
Crimes Tribunal to indict NATO leaders for war
crimes.
---
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jeffrey st. clair
http://www.counterpunch.org/black.html
An Impartial Tribunal,
Really?
by Christopher Black
The indictment of Slobodan Milosevic for alleged war
crimes raises important questions about the impartiality
and, ultimately, the purpose of the International Criminal
Tribunal. For centuries, the independence of judicial bodies
has been considered one of the fundamental precepts of
the quest for justice. As Lord Hewart stated in 1924, it is
"...of fundamental importance that justice should not only be
done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be
done." It has also been said that there is nothing more
important than the public administration of justice. But in the
case of the International Criminal Tribunal a compelling
argument can be made that private justice has replaced
public justice, that even the appearance of fundamental
justice has been replaced by an open contempt for justice.
It is clear that from the beginning American, British, French
and German interests were behind the creation of the
Tribunal and worked ceaselessly behind the scenes in
order to create it. They first considered doing so in regards
to Iraq and Saddam Hussein, during the Gulf War. The idea
apparently originated with the United States Department of
the Army, which alone should tell you something about its
true purpose. The rhetoric used to justify such a body to
the general public was of course heavily seasoned with
concerns for "human rights" the "dignity of the individual",
"genocide" and "democracy".
However, they had a problem. It was
generally agreed that no such tribunal could be created
without the mechanism of a treaty which had to be ratified
by all those affected by it. There was no time to create
such a treaty with respect to Hussein so other methods
were used to put pressure on the Iraqi government. But
between 1991 and 1993, the use of an international criminal
court as a means of effecting policy and to be created by
the members of the Security Council, instead of by treaty
was pushed by those four countries. A draft treaty to
create a truly international criminal court, one which applied
to all states, the last in a long list of attempts dating back
to the 1890's, was put together. But its ratification has not
taken place as several important powers, particularly the
United States, refuse to sign it for fear of being caught in its
web. For thirty years the United States has tried to block
such a treaty. It opposes universal jurisdiction and it
opposes an independent prosecutor. It wants any
prosecutions to go through the Security Council subject to
its right of veto. In fact, Jesse Helms, the conservative US
senator said such a treaty, if presented to congress for
ratification would be "dead on arrival". It would seem that
the treaty is itself nothing more than window dressing to
satisfy the public that the nations of the world really care
about human rights and war crimes in order to complement
their rhetoric about it. For without ratification by the major
powers it is a dead letter. The United States remains
stubborn in its opposition to this treaty but then it has a bit
more to worry about than most countries.
The next opportunity to try this experiment was Yugoslavia.
In order to accelerate the break up of that country into
quasi-independent colonies, principally of Germany and the
United States, it was necessary to discredit their
leaderships. An effective propaganda weapon in such an
exercise is of course a tribunal with an international
character which the public will accept as a neutral
instrument of justice but which is controlled for political
ends.
The Tribunal was created by the Security Council in its
Resolutions 808 and 827 of 1993. Both resolutions stated
that the situation in Bosnia at that time, constituted a threat
to international peace and security and that a tribunal to
prosecute war criminals would help to restore peace. It all
sounds very nice until one realizes that there was no basis
for the characterization of the situation in Bosnia as a threat
to international peace. It was a civil war (partly controlled
by the very countries which wanted to create a tribunal).
But the members of the Security Council had to
characterize it that way otherwise the members of the
Security Council had no jurisdiction to act. The setup for
this characterization was Resolution 688 of 1991 in which
the Security Council stated that disregard for human rights
constitutes a threat to international security and can no
longer be treated as an internal matter. This
reinterpretation, this revision of the UN Charter, which in
fact undermines the very basis of the Charter was forcefully
advocated by the German foreign minister Mr. Genscher in
speeches he gave to the German parliament and to the
Canadian parliament in Ottawa and by British, French and
of course American ministers in speeches and
memorandums to each other.
Chapter VII of the UN Charter requires that there be a
threat to the peace or an act of aggression before the
Security Council can make use of its special powers set out
in that Chapter. It has always been interpreted to mean and
was meant to mean a threat to international peace not
national peace. The members of the Security Council
recognized this and so had to redefine a national problem
as an international one. Yet in all those speeches and
memoranda there is not one compelling reason given for
doing this except vague references to the collapse of the
socialist bloc, and the imperative to establish a new world
order. In fact, Mr. Genscher in his speech to the Canadian
parliament stated
unequivocally that no nation would any longer be allowed to
ignore Security Council decisions. Even if this redefinition
were a legitimate interpretation of the UN Charter, which it
is not, the UN Charter only speaks of economic measures
and then military measures, not judicial or criminal
measures.
Chapter VII has to be read in context with Chapter I of the
Charter which speaks of international cooperation in solving
international problems of an economic, social, cultural or
humanitarian character. It says nothing of humanitarian
problems of a national character. It states that the UN is
based on the principle of the sovereign equality of its
members, a fundamental principle of international law, and
the first guarantee of the right to self-determination of the
world's peoples. If a people does not have the right of
sovereignty, the right to self-determination is a sham. This
principle is completely denied by the creation of the
Tribunal. The Tribunal itself explicitly denies that this
principle applies in its own statements as do its political
supporters, but never, of course, in reference to
themselves.
Lastly, the Charter states that nothing contained in the
Charter shall authorize the UN to intervene in matters which
are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.
This fundamental principle, put in the Charter so that the UN
could not be used by some members to bully others has
also been fatally undermined by the creation of the
Tribunal. The members of the Security Council, more
precisely, the permanent members, now hold the opposite
position, and I submit, do so for reasons connected more
with imperialism not humanitarianism.
In light of these facts the Security Council's authority to
create such a tribunal is in my view more than questionable.
That it was created is to be credited to Madeleine Albright,
who used some effective persuasion with the Russian and
Chinese members to vote for its creation in return for
economic consideration and with a view to controlling
smaller states within their own spheres of interest.
Yugoslavia was the first experiment in using a quasi-judicial
international body to attack the principle of sovereignty.
And as the Americans have learned so well, the best way
to get your domestic population behind you as you proceed
to break another country, economically and militarily is to
get them to hate those in power in that country. The Serb
leadership was targeted, and transformed into caricatures
of evil. There were comparisons to Adolf Hitler, a
comparison used with surprising frequency by the United
States against the long list of nations it has attacked in the
last 50 years, though sometimes they are just labeled as
common criminals, like Manuel Noriega, or mad, like
Ghadaffi, if the leader or the country is too small to make
the Hitler comparison stick. I think Saddam Hussein was
the first to be compared to Hitler, and declared a common
criminal and a madman all at the same time.
The Tribunal from the outset was
the creation of particular
governments. Their motives are clear from the
preliminary discussions in the Security Council on the
creation of the court which focused almost entirely on
crimes allegedly committed by Serbs and their leadership.
Since its inception it has kept this focus. The majority of
indictments have been directed at Serbs even though there
is substantial evidence of the commission of serious war
crimes by Croats and Bosnian Muslims.
The Tribunal has jurisdiction over war crimes and crimes
against humanity, but crimes against peace, the worst
crime under the Nuremberg principles, are not within the
purview of the tribunal. The underlying reason for this is that
the members of the Security Council preferred to reserve
to themselves competence in the field of aggression and
similar crimes against peace. The members of the Security
Council have a very keen sense of humour or perhaps more
accurately, self-preservation.
In a statement to the Secretary-General of the United
Nation, Mr. Boutros-boutros Ghali, on January 21, 1994, by
Antonio Cassese the Tribunal's political character was
made quite clear when he said in reference to the role of
the Tribunal, "The political and diplomatic response
(to the Balkans conflict) takes into account the exigencies
and the tempo of the international community. The military
response will come at the appropriate time." In other
words, the Tribunal is considered a political response. He
went on to state, "Our tribunal will not be simply "window
dressing" but a decisive step in the construction of a new
world order."
The governing statute of the Tribunal states in Article 16
that the Prosecutor shall act independently as a separate
organ of the Tribunal and shall not seek or receive
instruction from any government or any other source.
Article 32 states that the expenses of the Tribunal shall be
borne by the regular budget of the United Nations. Both of
these provisions have been openly and continuously
violated.
The Tribunal itself, through its senior officials, openly brags
about its particularly close ties to the American
government. In her remarks to the United States Supreme
Court in Washington, D.C. on April 5th of this year, Judge
Gabrielle Kirk Mcdonald, President of the Tribunal, and an
American stated, "We benefited from the strong support of
concerned governments and dedicated individuals such as
Secretary Albright. As the permanent representative to the
United Nations, she had worked with unceasing resolve to
establish the Tribunal. Indeed, we often refer to her as the
"mother of the Tribunal". If she is the mother then Bill
Clinton is the father, as Louise Arbour confirmed by her
action of reporting to the President of the United States the
decision to indict Milosevic two days before she announced
it to the rest of the world, in blatant violation of her duty to
remain independent. Further, she and the current
prosecutor have made several public appearances with U.S
officials, including Madeleine Albright, and both have openly
stated that they rely on Nato governments for
investigations, governments which have a great interest in
the undermining of the Yugoslavian leadership.
In 1996, the prosecutor met with the Secretary-General of
Nato and the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe to
"establish contacts and begin discussing modalities of
cooperation and Assistance". On May 9th, 1996 a
memorandum of understanding between the Office of the
Prosecutor and Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers
Europe (SHAPE) was signed by both parties. Further
meetings have taken place since including that of the
president of the Tribunal with General Wesley Clark. The
memorandum of May 9th spelled out the practical
arrangements for support to the tribunal and the transfer of
indicted persons to the Tribunal. In other words, Nato
forces became the gendarmes of the Tribunal, not UN
forces, and the Tribunal put itself at the disposal of Nato.
This relationship has continued despite the Tribunal's
requirement to be independent of any national government
and, therefore, group of national governments.
The Tribunal has received substantial funds from individual
States, private foundations and corporations in violation of
Article 32 of its Charter. Much of its money has come from
the U.S. government directly in cash and donations of
computer equipment. In the last year for which public
figures are available, 1994/95, the United States provided
$700,000 in cash and $2,300,000 worth of equipment. That
same year the Open Society Institute, a foundation
established by George Soros, the American billionaire
financier, to bring "openness" to the former east bloc
countries contributed $150,000 and the Rockefeller family,
through the Rockefeller Foundation, contributed $50,000
and there have been donations from corporations such as
Time-Warner, and Discovery Products, both US
corporations. It also important to know that Mr. Soros'
foundation not only funds the Tribunal it also funds the main
KLA newspaper in Pristina, an obvious conflict of interest
that has not been mentioned once in the western press.
The Tribunal also receives money from the United States
Institute for Peace for its Outreach project, a public
relations arm of the Tribunal set up to overcome opposition
in the former Yugoslav republics to its work and the
constant criticisms of selective prosecution and the
application of double standards; objections which have
obvious merit and which are never answered by anyone at
the Tribunal or by any of its sponsors. The Institute for
Peace is stated to be " an independent, non-partisan
federal institution created and funded by Congress to
strengthen the nation's capacity to promote the peaceful
resolution of international conflict." .Established in 1984
under Ronald Reagan, its Board of Directors
is appointed by the President of the United States.
The Tribunal also receives support from the Coalition For
International Justice whose purpose is also to enhance
public opinion of the Tribunal. The CIJ was founded and is
funded by, again, George Soros' Open Society Institute
and something called CEELI, the Central and East
European Law Institute, created by the American Bar
Association and lawyers close to the U.S. government to
promote the replacement of socialist legal systems with
free market ones.
These groups also have supplied many of the legal staff of
the Tribunal. In her speech to the Supreme Court, Judge
Mcdonald said, "The Tribunal has been well served by the
tremendous work of a number of lawyers who have come
to the Tribunal through the CIJ and CEELI..." It is also
interesting to note that the occasion of Judge McDonalds
speech was her acceptance of an award from the
American Bar Association and CEELI. In the same speech
she also said," We are now seeking funding from states
and foundations to carry out this critical effort."
The new prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, on September 30, at
a press conference, thanked the director of the FBI for
assisting the tribunal and stated "I am very appreciative of
the important support that the U.S government has
provided the tribunal. I look forward to their continued
support." OnSeptember 29th, in response to a question as
to whether the tribunal would be investigating crimes
Committed in Kosovo after June 10, or crimes committed
by others (meaning Nato) in the Yugoslav theatre of
operations, "The primary focus of the Office of The
Prosecutor must be on the investigation and prosecution of
the five leaders of the FRY and Serbia who have already
been indicted." Why this "must" be is not explained. Why, if
the Tribunal is impartial wouldn't it be just as focussed on
Nato war crimes, the war crimes of Clinton, Schroeder ,
Chirac, Chretien etc? Why did it still need to investigate to
support the indictments against the leaders of the
government and military of Yugoslavia if there was already
evidence to justify those indictments?
Well, we can speculate why when we consider that the last
prosecutor, Louis Arbour, who was asked to investigate all
Nato leaders for war crimes, instead accepted a job from
one of them, the Prime Minister of Canada, Jean Chretien.
She now sits in the scarlet robes of a judge of the Supreme
Court of Canada, a lifetime appointment, her reward for
handing down the indictment against Mr. Milosevic, despite
the lack of evidence and (if you believe the reports of the
Spanish and RCMP forensic experts recently returned from
Kosovo) the continuing lack of evidence of the systematic
crimes he is accused of.
On April 19th Judge McDonald "expressed her deep
appreciation to the U.S. Government for its pledge of
$500,000 for the Outreach project which was announced
on April 16 by Harold Koh, U.S. Assistant Secretary of
State.
In her speech to the Council On Foreign Relations in New
York on May 12 of this year Judge McDonald stated," The
U.S. government has very generously agreed to provide
$500,000 and to help to encourage other States to
contribute. However, the moral imperative to end the
violence in the region is shared by all, including the
corporate sector. I am pleased, therefore, that a major
corporation has recently donated computer equipment
worth three million dollars, which will substantially enhance
our operating capacity."
From the start, the Office of the Prosecutor has had
meetings with NGO's that are eager to " cooperate with
and assist the tribunal", many of them linked to George
Soros through his Open Society Foundation. All this money
flows through a special UN account which is financed by
assessed contributions from member states and voluntary
contributions from states and corporations again in violation
of its statute. As an aside it's interesting that its role as a
propaganda tool was indirectly acknowledged by its own
staff when they failed to provide for a courtroom or holding
cells in their first budget of approximately $ 32 million
dollars. The Security Council sent them back to redraft the
budget to include those items. After all, this was supposed
to be a criminal tribunal! They did so. The difference was
an added expense of $500,000. It's also interesting to
know that three of its first four rooms in the Peace Palace
in the Hague were loaned to them by the Carnegie
Foundation.
In order to give itself the appearance of a judicial body the
Tribunal has persons appointed as judges, prosecutors,
clerks, investigators, and has its own rules of procedure
and evidence, its own prison system. It says it applies the
presumption of innocence. However, unlike criminal
courts, with which we are all familiar (or, perhaps not), the
court itself is involved in the laying of the charges. When a
charge is to be laid the approval of one of the trial judges
must be obtained. That approval is only given if a prima
facie case is established. That is, a case which if not
answered could result in a conviction. Yet, despite this
close relationship between the prosecutor and the judges
and the commitment to the charges the judges have made
by signing the indictment , the rules insist on the
presumption of innocence. This presumption is
compromised in other ways. The most egregious is that
upon arrest detention is automatic. There is no bail, no form
of release pending trial, unless the prisoner proves
"exceptional circumstances". Loss of job, loss of contact
with friends, family, indeed country is not sufficient. Even ill
health has not been sufficient to get bail. Prisoners are
treated as if they had been convicted. They are kept in
cells and have to obey prison rules, are subject to discipline
if they do not, constant surveillance, censored mail,
restricted family visits, communication with family at their
own expense and there are restrictions on what they can
see or hear on radio or television. Prisoners have had to
wait many months before a trial takes place, sometimes
years. Yet, still they insist these men are presumed
innocent. The question is by whom? By the judges, one of
whom laid the charge in the first place?
Its rules of evidence are relaxed so that protections on the
admission of hearsay evidence developed over centuries in
all national courts are set aside and replaced by an
anything is admissible if deemed relevant approach even if
it is hearsay. There is no jury. Witnesses can testify
anonymously, or not be shown in court. In its yearbook for
1994, this statement appears, "The tribunal does not need
to shackle itself with restrictive rules which have developed
out of the ancient trial-by-jury system." There are provisions
in the rules for closed hearings, in circumstances which are
vaguely defined, secret trials, the very essence of injustice
and of political courts. It is now increasing its use of sealed
indictments, so that no one knows if they have been
charged until the military police swoop down on them on the
street in any country. Suspects, persons not indicted, can
be detained for up to ninety days without charge. We all
know from experience what prisoners can undergo in a day
or two at the mercy of most police forces. Ninety days.
Anyone one of us here could be detained by the Tribunal
for that length of time. All they have to say is they have
some reason to suspect you. This is easily constructed.
Perhaps its most dangerous rule
is Rule 92 that states confessions shall be
presumed to be free and voluntary unless the contrary is
established (by the prisoner). Just think - presumed to be
free and voluntary after 90 days at the mercy of military
police and prosecutors. Almost every other court in the
world presumes the opposite or, because of the notorious
unreliability of confessions made in police custody are
moving to prohibit their use entirely. This Tribunal goes
back to the days of Star Chamber and the justice of the
13th century. Finally, we have imprisonment of those
sentenced in foreign countries so that not only are they
imprisoned, they are at the same time exiled. There is even
a special provision for the obtaining of evidence from
NGO's such as George Soros Open Society Foundation,
whose conflict of interest has already been mentioned.
Accused have the right to choose counsel on paper but in
reality that right is infringed by the Registrar who can
disqualify counsel for all sorts of reasons including being
unfriendly to the Tribunal. Such a counsel will be supplied if
the accuses insists strongly enough but it is not made easy.
There are cases in which the Registrar has barred lawyers
from particular countries because there are deemed to be
too many of them already representing accused persons,
and the use of its contempt powers is a powerful weapon
to intimidate counsel. Lawyers have been subject to large
fines for contempt.
No citizen of any country in the world would consider
themselves fairly tried before a court that was paid for,
staffed and assisted by private citizens or corporations
which had a direct stake in the outcome of the trial and who
were, themselves, in practical terms, immune from that
court. It is a well established principle of law that a party in
a legal action, whether civil or criminal, is entitled to ask for
the removal of any judge sitting on the case when there
exists a reasonable apprehension of bias. In this instance,
a compelling argument can be made that the bias is not
only apprehended, it is real, that it is not of one judge but of
the entire tribunal, that this is not a judicial body worthy of
international respect but a kangaroo court, a bogus court,
with a political purpose serving very powerful and
identifiable masters. To be consistent with my thesis I will
go further and say that as a political instrument designed to
violate, to destroy, the integrity and sovereignty of a
country, its creation is a crime against peace under the
Nuremberg Principles. Instead of resolving conflict as it
claims, it is used to justify conflict, instead of creating
peace, it is used to justify war and therefore is an
instrument of war.
Will Slobodan Milosevic receive
a fair trial if they take him? Will the leaders of Nato,
even be investigated let alone indicted for war crimes
committed in the brutal attack on the civilian population of
Yugoslavia, as my colleagues in Canada, South and Central
America, Spain, Norway, Greece, Britain, and the United
States have requested? As the English say, the proof is in
the pudding. Our requests have met with empty words and
no action. We made the requests in order to bring to the
attention of the world the crimes that were being committed
by Nato. We believe we have succeeded in that. If we have
not succeeded in bringing to justice the war criminals of
Nato, it is because we have exposed the political nature of
this Tribunal instead. It is up to all of us to act on this
knowledge.
Christopher Black is a Toronto defence lawyer and writer
and is one of the lawyers who made the request to the War
Crimes Tribunal to indict NATO leaders for war
crimes.
---
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I gruppi di discussione + interessanti e divertenti!
Le liste + calde!!
Il meglio di eCircle!!!
http://www.ecircle.it/ad789403/www.listparade.it
...troviamo notizie su:
- il nazionalismo croato che alza la testa in Bosnia-Erzegovina
- Stipe Mesic che esalta un suo zio, opportunista che ha combattuto per
tutte le bandiere, compresa quella degli ustascia, come eroe di guerra
della II G. M.
- la Difesa territoriale slovena che si organizza...
- le modifiche costituzionali in Serbia, con la limitazione
dell'autonomia... della Vojvodina, e gli scioperi ed agitazioni tra i
secessionisti in Kosovo
- le prime strade della Croazia intitolate al cardinale nazista Stepinac
- altre curiosita'
(i giornali, da noi casualmente rinvenuti, sono copie di "POLITIKA" del
4, 20, 21 e 22 settembre 1990; traduzione a cura del Coordinamento
Romano per la
Jugoslavia - crj@...)
---
Sarajevo, 21.9.90.
Protest rukovodstva Bosne i Hercegovine
DRSKOST HRVATSKIH VRHOVNIKA JE NESHVATLJIVA
U tome se isticu posebno Dalibor Brozovic i Vladimir Seks. - Stipe Mesic
pretio u Listici.
Predsednistvo SR Bosne i Hercegovine uputilo je pismo Dr Franji
Tudjmanu, predsedniku Republike Hrvatske koje je potpisao Dr Obrad
Piljak.
U poslednje vreme, kaze se u pismu, sve je vise dogadjaja i skupova
politickih stranaka na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine koji se koriste
za slanje poruka i pretnji jedne republike drugoj. U to su ukljuceni,
kako se navodi, odgovorni funkcioneri u drzavnim organima Republike
Hrvatske.
O njihovom dolasku u SR BiH ne obavestavaju se odgovarajuci drzavni
organi ove Republike. Takvo njihovo ponasanje i pogotovo sadrzina vecine
njihovih istupa u tim prilikama dozivljava se kao negiranje suvereniteta
SR BiH i njene ravnopravnosti u Jugoslaviji.
Ko se posebno “istice”
U pismu se dalje kaze da se svojim istupanjima i iznosenjem mnogih
neprihvatljivih stavova ili slanjem pretnji najvise “istakao”
potpresednik Republike Hrvatske akademik dr Dalibor Brozovic. Posebno se
istice da je potpresednik Sabora Hrvatske Vladimir Seks takodje
nenajavljen boravio u Capljini ( ? !, n.d.t.) i to posle javnog
saopstenja sa zajednicke sednice Predsednistva Izvrsnog veca Skupstine i
odgovarajucih funkcionera Skupstine SR B i H, na kojoj su osudjene
navedene pojave dolazaka i delovanja na teritoriji SR BiH drzaavnih
funkcionera iz drugih republika bez znanja drzavnih organa ove
Republike. Predsednistvo SR BiH obavestava Tudjmana da je upoznato i sa
pismom koje je Republickom sekretarijatu za unutrasnje poslove BiH
uputio predsednik Sabora R. Hrvatske Vladimir Seks. Cudno je i
indikativno, glasi komentar Predsednistva sr BiH, da to pismo nije
upuceno preko nadleznih ili odgovarajucih drzavnih organa. Ovakvo
obracanje smatra se neprimerenim korespondiranjem ravnopravnih partnera
i organa dve suverene i ravnopravne republike.
“Hrvatski mladici” i terorizam
Pojedini navodi u tom pismu, kako smatraju clanovi Predsednistva SR BiH,
najblaze receno, zacudjuju.
Kako se moze reci da je recimo l972. Godine u zemlju ilegalno usla
“grupa hrvatskih mladica”, iako je i u svetu poznato da se radilo o
grupi dobro obucenih terorista, koji su u Jugoslaviju ubaceni sa ciljem
da oruzanim akcijama i masovnim ubijanjem ljudi izazovu haos u zemlji i
da sruse ustavni poredak, iako se zna da je u borbi sa njima poginulo i
13 jugoslovenskih gradjana. Ovakve tvrdnje mogu se okvalifikovati samo
kao neshvatljiva drskost.
Jos vecom drskoscu i provokacijom Predsednistvo SR BiH smatra u
pomenutom pismu da su oni likvidirani prilikom ulaska “u Republiku
Hrvatsku, gde je u Bugojnu....”To se smatra otvorenim prekajanjem
unutrasnjih granica u Jugoslaviji i izrazavanje pretenzija prema
teritorijama SR Bosne i Hercegovine negiranjem njenog suvereniteta.
TRADUZIONE
La protesta della leadership della Bosnia-Erzegovina
L’arroganza dei dirigenti croati e’ incomprensibile
In questo si distinguono particolarmente Dalibor Brozovic e Vladimir
Seks. La minaccia di Stipe Mesic a Listica.
Sarajevo, 21 settembre 1990
La presidenza della Repubblica Socialista di Bosnia-Erzegovina ha
indirizzato una lettera al dott. Franjo Tudjiman, presidente della
Repubblica di Croazia, che e’ stata firmata dal dott. Obrak Piljak.
Ultimamente, si dice nella lettera, sempre piu’ spesso avvengono fatti e
raduni dei partiti politici sul territorio della B.E., che vengono usati
per inviare messaggi e minacce da una Repubblica all’altra. In questo si
inseriscono, come viene detto nella lettera, funzionari responsabili
degli organi statali della Repubblica di Croazia.
Del loro arrivo nella R.S.B.E. non vengono informati gli organi statali
competenti di questa Repubblica. Questo loro comportamento e soprattutto
il contenuto della maggior parte dei loro comizi in queste occasioni
viene percepito come una negazione della sovranita’ della R.S.B.E., e
della suoi pari diritti all’interno della Jugoslavia.
Chi si “espone” di piu’
Nella lettera si afferma anche che tra chi si espone con posizioni
fortemente inaccettabili, oppure invia minacce, c’e’ in maniera
particolare il vicepresidente della Repubblica di Croazia, l’accademico
dott. Dalibor Brozovic. Si sottolinea soprattutto che il vicepresidente
del Sabor croato, Vladimir Seks, ha soggiornato - pur non essendo
invitato - a Capljina [cittadina della Erzegovina, dove si trova la
Scuola ufficiali dell’esercito, n.d.T.], e questo e’ avvenuto dopo
l’annuncio pubblico della riunione congiunta della Presidenza del
Consiglio esecutivo dell’Assemblea con i rispettivi funzionari
dell’Assemblea della R.S.B.E., nella quale sono stati condannati questi
ed altri casi simili di arrivi ed azioni di funzionari di altre
repubbliche sul territorio della R.S.B.E. senza che ne fossero informati
i competenti organi statali di questa Repubblica. La presidenza della
R.S.B.E. ha avvisato Tudjman di essere a conoscenza anche del contenuto
della lettera inviata dal Presidente del Sabor della Repubblica di
Croazia Vladimir Seks al Segretariato repubblicano per gli affari
interni della B.E. E’ curioso ed indicativo, si dice nel commento della
Presidenza della R.S.B.E., che questa lettera non e’ stata spedita
tramite gli organismi statali competenti o preposti. Questo modo di
interloquire per corrispondenza e’ ritenuto non appropriato tra due
partner, organi di due repubbliche sovrane e di pari diritti.
I “giovani croati” ed il terrorismo
Alcuni brani della succitata lettera, secondo i membri della Presidenza
della R.S.B.E., quantomeno sorprendono.
Come si puo’ dire, ad esempio, che nel 1972 nel paese e’ entrato
illegalmente un gruppo di “giovani croati”, benche’ tutto il mondo sa
che si trattava di un gruppo di terroristi molto bene addestrati che
sono stati introdotti in Jugoslavia allo scopo di compiere azioni
militari, uccisioni in massa di persone, per scatenare il caso nel
paese ed abbattere la Costituzione, malgrado si sappia che nello scontro
sono morti 13 cittadini jugoslavi. Queste affermazioni possono essere
considerate soltanto alla stregua di una prepotenza incomprensibile.
La Presidenza della R.S.B.E. ritiene essere di una prepotenza e
provocazione ancora piu’ grande il fatto che secondo la suddetta lettera
essi sarebbero stati liquidati all’ingresso “nel territorio della
Croazia, a Bugojno ...”. Questo si ritiene un vero cambiamento delle
frontiere interne della Jugoslavia, con dichiarate pretese nei confronti
del territorio della B.E., negando la sua sovranita’. E’ intollerabile
anche la prassi di abusare dell’ospitalita’, come e’ anche il caso
della minaccia ad un’altra Repubblica pronunciata da Stjepan Mesic,
allora Presidente del governo della Croazia, parlando a Listica.
Questi comportamenti di rilevanti funzionari statali della Repubblica di
Croazia, si dice nella lettera, sono in diretta contraddizione anche con
le posizioni unitarie raggiunte durante l’incontro nel quale si sono
analizzate le reciproche relazioni e la cooperazione futura, nella
conversazione tra le delegazioni delle due Repubbliche a Zagabria il 23
luglio di quest’anno.
A Tudjman si richiede che al fine di una ulteriore cooperazione
reciproca e paritaria, il rapporto e la condotta dei funzionari statali
della Repubblica di Croazia si coordinino in relazione agli accordi ed
alle prese di posizione di Tudjman, riguardanti lo status costituzionale
ed i diritti della R.S.B.E., in quanto repubblica sovrana, indipendente
e di pari diritti nella Repubblica di Jugoslavia.
Nella lettera indirizzata a Tudjman, inoltre, si dice : “Ci farebbe
molto piacere se non dovessimo intraprendere altri passi che potrebbero
influenzare ancor piu’ negativamente la cooperazione reciproca su basi
paritarie, il che e’ senz’altro nell’interesse di tutti i cittadini che
vivono nelle nostre Repubbliche.”
M.Duric
KOME SE TO PRIVIDJA GENERAL
U poslednjem broju “Narodna armija” donosi ko je, zapravo bio Marko J.
Mesic kome njegov
rodjak Stipe pripisuje cin generala i velica ga kao heroja.
A CHI SI FA APPARIRE COME GENERALE
L’ultimo numero di “Narodna Armija” riposta chi e’ stato effettivamente
Marko J. Mesic, a cui il suo parente Stipe aggiunge il grado di generale
e lo esalta come eroe.
Il nuovo numero di “Narodna armija” riporta il commento, sotto la
denominazione “A chi si fa apparire come generale”, in relazione
all’intervista fatta a Stjepan Mesic e pubblicata su “Borba” il 13
settembre. Mesic ha tra l’altro detto : “Mi mettono in relazione con il
generale ustascia Mesic, con il quale sono imparentato, e non si dice
che questo ufficiale dei domobrani [corpo collaborazionista dei tedeschi
durante la II G.M., n.d.T.] con la sua unita’ e’ passato a Stalingrado
dalla parte dell’Armata Sovietica, che alla fine della guerra e’
diventato ufficiale sovietico, e che la sua unita’ nello scontro con i
tedeschi e’ stata decimata.”
Chi era questo “generale sovietico” ? Nella risposta documentata
esclusivamente in base a documenti salvati, il commentatore di “Narodna
armija” scrive che Marko J. Mesic, con il grado di tenente-colonello,
solamente in quattro anni era riuscito (per suoi personali interessi) ad
adattarsi a quattro eserciti ideologicamente diversi. In tutto quel
tempo ha giurato fedelta’ a tutti loro, cambiando facilmente le bandiere
militari, i berretti, portando sfacciatamente anche l’aquila bianca
bicipite [stemma della Jugoslavia monarchica, n.d.T.], e distintivi
ustascia e nazistici, la stella dell’Armata Rossa, lo stemma dell’AVNOJ
[Consiglio Popolare Antifascista di Liberazione Nazionale, fondatore
della RFS di Jugoslavia, n.d.R.] ed il tricolore jugoslavo. Ha
comandato l’ottavo reggimento d’artiglieria dell’esercito jugoslavo,
sezione cannonieri, cioe’ i resti del 369.esimo reggimento rinforzato di
fanteria dell’NDH [stato fantoccio nazista croato di Pavelic, n.d.T.]
sul fronte orientale, e la prima brigata jugoslava dell’Esercito
Popolare di Liberazione formata in URSS, ed ha tradito ognuna di queste
unita’ quanto si trovava nel momento piu’ difficile, oppure esponendole
a perdite catastrofiche. Per sua colpa, da una unita’ di 1530 tra
soldati ed ufficiali, uno su tre ha perso la vita. Per 17 mesi di
combattimenti sul fronte orientale, prevalentemente nella composizione
di gruppi militari d’elite del gruppo dell’Armata sud della Wehrmacht,
e’ stato decorato con 4 onoreficenze - Pavelic lo ha decorato con
“l’ordine militare del trifoglio di ferro” di quarto grado, e poi di
secondo grado, con il diritto di intitolarsi “cavaliere”, mentre Hitler
con la Croce di ferro di secondo grado, e poi del primo ordine. Come
prescelto dell’NKVD, e senza alcuna consultazione con il nostro
Movimento Popolare di Liberazione, dal campo dei prigionieri di guerra
e’ stato inserito nel centro per l’addestramento, a 120 chilometri da
Mosca, come comandante di reparto, e poi della prima brigata jugoslava
dell’Esercito Popolare di Liberazione della Jugoslavia, formatasi in
URSS. La prima e l’unica battaglia che ha comandato fu condotta nel
1944 a Cacak dalla brigata a fianco della Armata Rossa. Qui, negli
scontri con i tedeschi, sono morti 539 soldati ed ufficiali, il che per
numero di perdite in una singola battaglia e’ un caso unico nella storia
dell’Esercito di Liberazione Popolare della Jugoslavia.
Del pessimo comportamento nelle battaglie tenuto dal tenente-colonello
Mesic , da parte dei suoi collaboratori, e di una parte degli ex
legionari, sono rimasti gli scritti di vari autori che descrivono questo
dramma, di prossima pubblicazione in una monografia di questa unita’.
Il comandante ed il capo del comando della 23.esima divisione, Miladin
Ivanovic e Rajko Tanaskovic, hanno proposto l’8 di novembre,nell’analisi
del comportamento della brigata in queste battaglie e nella
risistemazione delle file di scrivere quanto segue : “Che si ripulisca
quanto prima dagli elementi indesiderati e che si sostituisca una
grande parte dei quadri di comando. Ci si riferisce anche al
comandante di brigata, che si e’ dimostrato debole, pauroso,
sconcertato, disturbato e sfiduciato...” Dopo il ritiro della brigata
dal fronte, il tenente colonello Marko Mesic il 18 novembre con
decisione del comandante supremo, e’ stato rimosso dall’incarico di
comandante e spostato ad incarichi amministrativi del Comando
d’artiglieria.
Cosi’ si e’ spenta la stella militare di Marko Mesic, di padre Josip,
nato a Bjelovar. Da tenente-colonello dunque non ha fatto nemmeno un
passo avanti, soltanto forse nei propri desideri, ed ecco anche nei
pensieri di chi pretende che sia un eroe, esempio, oppure vittima, e lui
non merita di essere ne’ l’una, ne’ la seconda, ne’ la terza cosa,
scrive “Narodna armija”. (R.P.)
Odnos prema JNA u Sloveniji se pogorsava.
SLOVENCI BI DA SMENE KOMANDANTA TERITORIJALNE ODBRANE
Namerno zanemaruju cinjenicu da je ta funkcija u nadleznosti Saveznog
sekretarijata za narodnu odbranu.
Il comportamento degli sloveni verso l’EPJ sta peggiorando.
GLI SLOVENI VORREBBERO SOSTITUIRE IL COMANDANTE DELLA DIFESA
TERRITORIALE
Di proposito stanno trascurando il fatto che questa funzione è di
competenza del Segretariato federale per la difesa popolare.
Maribor, 21 settembre l990
In Slovenia non desistono dalla soluzione di sostituire forzatamente il
Comandante della Difesa territoriale, Ivan Hocevar.
Questo comandante non è di loro gradimento a causa della sua aperta
posizione jugoslava, il che ha dimostrato esplicitamente anche nel caso
quando dal Segretariato federale per la difesa nazionale è stato
ordinato che le armi della DT vengano tolte e conservate meglio e più
sicuro nei magazzini militari.
Il nuovo attacco contro il generale Hocevar è arrivato ieri dalle file
del PRTITO Socialista della Slovenia. In esso si contesta a questo
ufficiale”perché non ha ordinato che le armi dal magazzino vengono usate
per le manovre della DT” . Gli viene contestato perché non hs consentito
che ha proibito all’uso delle manovre che in questo contesto sono
pianificate dalla RS della Slovenia, cioè da i suoi dirigenti.
Nella pubblica dichiarazione ufficiale, il Partito socialista tra
l’altro dichiara che ; le manovre della DT in Slovenia saranno
effettuate esclusivamente in base agli ordini dei dirigenti di questa
repubblica, cioè dagli organi competenti. Ciò comporta alla necessità di
nominare un nuovo comandante della DT della Slovenia da parte dei suoi
dirigenti, cioè che questa funzione venga tolta dalla competenza del
Segretariato federale per la difesa jugoslava.
Questo, come anche la chiara politica riguardo le reclute, espressa da
questa repubblica, dimostra che la Slovenia conforme ai suoi piani
confederali, vuole quanto prima l’intera problematica della difesa
nazionale prendere nelle proprie mani, con il che gli organi competenti
della difesa federale come pure la dirigenza della Jugoslavia erano
precedentemente informati.
Perciò, secondo il parere del Partito socialista di questa repubblica,
che in totale esprime le posizioni della dirigenza della Slovenia “il
comportamento del generale Hocevar, ulteriromente aggrava la relazione
della Slovenia con l’EPJ, e con che viene negata la sovranità della
Slovenia, la sua Assemblea e Presidenza”. Tutto ciò, si dice
ulteriormente nella dichiarazione, si crea l’impressione che in Slovenia
c’è una situazione esplosiva (d’incidente).
(S. Petrovic)
Pucnikovo pismo Kucanu
Predsednik vladajuce koalicije u Sloveniji Demos, Joze Pucnik, uputio
je otvoreno pismo Milanu Kucanu u kojem ga optuzuje za neodlucnost u
slucaju oduzimanja i vracanja oruzja teritorijalne odbrane Slovenije.
Lettera aperta di Joze Pucnik, al presidente sloveno Milan Kucan
Ljubljana, 21 settembre
Il presidente della coalizione governativa slovena Demos, Joze Pucnik,
ha inviato una lettera aperta di protesta al presidente della Repubblica
Milan Kucan, nella quale lo accusa per la sua indecisione nel caso della
sottrazione e la restituzione delle armi alla DT della Slovenia.
Sednica Ustavne komisije Vojvodine
PRIHVACEN PREDLOG USTAVA SRBIJE
Novi Ustav omogucit ce svestrani dmokratski razvoj Republike.
Novi Sad, 21 settembre (Tanjug)
La commissione per le questioni costituzionali del Parlamento
SAP(Regione autonoma socialista) della Vojvodina, nella seduta odierna
presieduta dalla presidentessa del Parlamento Verona Adam-Bokros, ha
esaminato e, dopo un dibattito di più ore, ha appoggiato il Decreto
della Costituzione della Repubblica di Serbia.
Alla seduta di questa commissione hanno partecipato alla discussione e
hanno risposto alle molteplici domande i membri della Presidenza della
RS di Serbia e al contempo i membri della Commissione costituzionale
della RS di Serbia Slobodan Vucetic e il dr. Jurij Bajec.
Con il varo della nuova Costituzione, ha dichiarato Verona Adam-Bokros,
si creano le basi per il funzionamento della Repubblica di Serbia come
stato sovrano e moderno. Le risoluzioni proposte esprimono completamente
l’impegno perché la nuova Costituzione renda possibile uno sviluppo
democratico generale della Repubblica di Serbia come una comunità
moderna e democratica inserita nella RSF di Jugoslavia, e anche la
possibilità per uno sviluppo indipendente della Repubblica di Serbia nel
caso in cui non si raggiunga un accordo tra i popoli jugoslavi in una
vita comune nella Jugoslavia federativa.
S Vucetic ha dato ampie motivazioni di alcune decisioni e ha risposto
insieme a Jurij Bajec a molte domande ed anche alle osservazioni
critiche dei membri della Commissione costituzionale della Vojvodina.
Egli ha particolarmente posto attenzione al fatto che anche di fronte ad
una richiesta massiccia di cambiare il termine “nazionalità” nella
Costituzione inserendo il termine “minoranza”, si sia rimasti all’idea
di “nazionalità”, che ha già acquistato il suo pieno significato
soprattutto nella multietnica Vojvodina, il che è anche in conformità
con la Costituzione della RSFJ.
Egli ha smentito le speculazioni e le affermazioni infondate sul
concedere troppo potere al Presidente della Repubblica di Serbia,
sottolineando che l’Assemblea della Repubblica di Serbia ha, come
maggiore organo di governo, un’autorità sia costituzionale che
legislativa, cosicché non si prenda in considerazione nemmeno
l’introduzione di un sistema presidenziale nella repubblica.
JEDNA ULICA U DUBROVNIKU DOBIJA IME ALOJZIJA STEPINCA
Dubrovnik 21 settembre 1990
UNA STRADA A DUBROVNIK PRENDE IL NOME DI ALOJZIJE STEPINAC...
Da "Politika" 4 settembre l990
Pristina ; "Strajk nije uspeo"
Osujecena namera separatista da paralisu zivot na Kosmetu. Republicki
organi Srbije obezbedili normalno funkcioniosanje svih vitalnih funkcija
i snabdevanje gradjana prehrambenim proizvodima.
Danas od separatistickog vrha naredjen i zapocet t.zv. 24. Casovni
generalni strajk Albanaca na Kosovu pretvorio se u poraz sovinista i
separatista......Dok su sve prodavaonice "Mehanizacije" radile, najdalje
u strajku otisli su radnici i rukovodioci, Albanci trgovinskog preduzeca
"Vocar", jer najveci broj prodavaonica nije ni otvoren.
Prvih dana nastava u skolama se odvijala na srpskom, turskom i romskom
jeziku , jer ucenici Albanci nisu ni dosli u skole .
Pristina, 4 settembre : "Lo sciopero non riuscito"
Sventato il tentativo dei separatisti di paralizzare la vita nel Kosovo
e Metohija. Gli organi repubblicani della Serbia hanno assicurato il
funzionamento normale delle funzioni vitali e il rifornimento dei
prodotti alimentari .
Oggi e stato ordinato dai lider separatisti ed è iniziato il cosiddetto
sciopero di 24 ore. Lo sciopero generale degli albanesi nel Kosmet si è
concluso con una sconfitta dei sciovinisti e separatisti... Mentre tutti
i negozi della società "Mehanizacija" sono rimasti aperti, i negozi
della catena alimentare "Vocar", la maggior parte , non hanno aperto.
Postoji li skrivena bolnica ? Veci broj Albanaca nije dosao na
posao. Zene tek sto su se porodile ostavljaju bolnicu. Nestale velike
kolicine lekova.
n Turska salje trupe u Zaljev.
n Gorbacov i Bush pred Branembourskom kapijom. Nemci bi zeleli da
trenutke velike nacionalne radosti podele sa svetom.
n Povlacenje vojske SSSR. Sovjetska armija ima 380.000 vojnika, 160
velikih kasarni, 50.000 oficirskih stanova, 30 aerodroma i 40 poligona.
Protest sovjetskih oficira u garnizonu kod
n Magdenbourga zbog naredbe o skorom povlacenju.
n Ispraviti nepravde nanete Srbiji i srpskom narodu. Novobeogradjani
upoznati sa programom SPS-a.
n Pitanje : Dali ce u Ustavu Srbije sluzbeni jezik biti srpskohrvatski
kao do sada ili srpski, pita Nikola Mrdjan. Srpskohrvatskim jezikom, po
recima Djoke Stojicica, govore 4 naroda - Srbi, Hrvati, Crnogorci i
Muslimani... U sustini to je jedan jezik. Akcije za podelu jezika
ustvari su podle namere da se narodi podele. To je jos krajem sezdesetih
godina u Hrvatskoj sproveo V. Bakaric. On je ustvari odobrio da u
Hrvatskoj u zvanicnoj upotrebi bude hrvatski knjizevni jezik. Sada je
nazalost u Ustavu Hrvatske izbrisan srpski jezik.
......Igra sa terminima, po recima Djoke Stojicica, nimalo nije
naivna. Recimo Siptari na Kosovu su se svojim imenom "sinovi orlova"
ponosili do l968, a onda im je nametnut naziv Albanci. Nazalost oni se
ne upisuju kao jugoslavenski Albanci, vec samo kao Albanci. To znaci
pripadanje Albaniji a en Jugoslaviji. Po onom sto se u svetu priznaje,
oni mogu da budu samo nacionalna manjina. Slicnu igru sada igra SDA u
Sandzaku. Fundamentalisti hoce da su Turci, a zna se da su Muslimani
slovenskog porekla i da govore srpskim jezikom.
U Priboju posle skupstine SDA. Pucalo se na srpsku decu. Zitelji
grada Lima odrzali zbor trazeci ostavke opstinskog rukovodstva koje je
dozvolilo da se osnivacka skupstina SDA obavi u centru grada.
Mr Borisav Radjenovic : "Veliki si posao ucinio za Tudjmana".
Otvoreno pismo Simi Rajicu, potpresedniku Sabora Hrvatske.
Knin : Osnovci nisu posli u skolu. Zbog neizvesne i napete
politicke situacije u Kninskoj krajini danas nije pocela najavljena
nastava u osnovnim skolama. Sindikat prosvetnih radnika, roditelji i
aktivisti Srpske demokratske stranke poslednjih meseci u nekoliko
navrata najavljivali bojkot nastave zbog kroatocentricnih udzbenika i
nastavnih programa. Zbgo bojazni roditelja, naocito onih cija deca
putuju do skole, opstinske prosvetne vlasti odlozili su pocetak nove
skolske godine. Pretprosle noci svi prilazi Kninu blokirani.
Najavljen protestni miting Srba u Sibeniku.
Srbi u Hrvatskoj bili bi srecni da imaju prava Albanaca na Kosmetu,
rekao je Mihajlo Markovic na predstavljanju SPS u Nisu.
Nije rec o niokakvoj zloupotrebi ljudskih prava Albanaca na Kosovu,
vec o stogodisnjoj zelji da se stvori Velika Albanija.... Radovali
bi se i Baski u Spaniji, i Madjari u Rumuniji.....Na Kosmetu se pokusava
da se na jugoslavenskoj, srpskoj teritoriji stvori jos jedna drzava
Albanija. Na zalost ovakve teznje podrzavaju se od Vatikana,
Habzburgovaca, muslimanskih organizacija, a u poslednje vreme i od SAD-a
Iz Amerike se preti kako ce Kongres biti jos restriktivniji u odnosu na
Srbiju i Jugoslaviju i kako nas nece vise pomagati. Time nas ne mogu
uplasiti. Zahvaljujemo im na pomoci koju su nam pruzili pedesetih
godina, ali ono sto su ucinili sedamdesetih, kada smo dobili 20
milijardi dolara, da bi samo kroz kamate do sada morali da platimo 40
milijardi i da nam pri tom ostane dug od 16 milijardi, pre bi se moglo
nazvati pljackom nego pomoci.
U velikoj dvorani Studentskog centra u Zagrebu, "Orlovi" i
"Jastrebovi" u istom jatu. Dajuci podrsku strajku separatista na Kosovu,
hrvatski nacionalisti su se juce obracali okupljernim Albancima pozivom
: "Ustanite braco !"
Doktor Slobodan Lang posti na Trgu Marsala Tita u Zagrebu. Skup
otvorio Ivan Zvonimir Cicak na "zdencu zivota"
Cudna promocija na Sirokom Brijegu. Novi "crnokosuljasi" u stroju.
Makedonija : Dramaticno saopstenje sa preksinocne sednice
Izvrsnog veca sobranja SR Makedonije. Ozbiljno naruseni politicki zivot
i bezbedno stanje u Makedoniji. Jednonacionalna siptarska organizacija,
Partija za demokratski prosperitet, poznata po separatistickim
ciljevima, namece se kao pandan i paralelna vlast legalnim drzavnim
organima. U svom delovanju VMRO -DRMNJ upotrebljava teroristicke metode
linca.
Makedonija - poligon siptarskog separatistickog delovanja kosovske
alternative.
Sejanje straha medju Makedoncima i cestitim Siptarima.
Su Ante Markovic
Krajnje je kontroverzna pojava stranke Ante Mrkovica na
politickoj sceni. Premijer se navodno zalaze za depolitizaciju uprave, a
osniva stranku vlade. Nada se kako rece Mileta Gajic, da ce privuci
siroke mase, a u stvari sprovodi takvu politiku da radnici ne mogu da
poele zaradjeno, a poljoprivrednici da naplateproizvedeno i to po
realnoj sceni.
Sa autorom neobicne knjige o Sumaricama : "Zapisi sa stratista".
Petar Lubarda : Ima li stravicnijeg prizora za ljudske oci od
dece na koju pucaju...". Jean Paul Sartre : "Najbolji utisak koji
stranac moze da ponese iz jedne zemlje, to je bo l koju oseti u toj
zemlji".
"Politika", 22. Septembar 1990.
Na zahtev Okruznog javnog tuzilastva Pristine.
OPTUZENA GRUPA BIVSIH FUNKCIONERA KOSOVA
Zbog osnovane sumnje da su izvrsili krivicno delo udruzivanja radi
neprijateljske delatnosti i ugrozavanja teritorijalne celine SR Srbije
pokrenuta je istraga protiv Juzufa Zejnulahua,Seljadina Skeje, Muhameta
Bicaja, Jusufa Karakusija, Leka Vuksanija, Ise Mustafe i Agima Malje.
Pristina, 21.9.l990.
Okruzni sud u Pristini saopstio je danas da je na zahtev Okruznog javnog
tuzilastva doneo resenje o sprovodjenju istrage protiv sestorice bivsih
clanova Izvrsnog veca Kosova i direktora Radio Televizije Pristina
kojima stavlja na teret da su obrazovali grupu sa ciljem da se
protivustavnim putem izmene granice SR Srbije i Kosovo proglasi
republikom.
U saopstenju se navodi da je istraga pokrenuta protiv Jusufa Zejnulahua,
bivseg predsednika Izvrsnog veca Skupstine SAP Kosovo, Seljadina Skeje,
bivseg sekretara za saobracaj i veze, Muhameta Bicaja, bivseg sekretara
za obrazovanje, nauku i kulturu, Jusufa Karakusija, bivseg pokrajinskog
sekretara za unutrasnje poslove, Leka Vuksanija, bivseg pokrajinskog
sekretara za rad, zdravstvo i socijalnu politiku, Ise Mustafe, bivseg
clana Izvrsnog veca Kosova, kao i Agima Mlaje, bivseg direktora
Radio-televizije Pristina.
Pec, 21.9.90.
Zahtev za smenjivanje predsednika Skupstine opstine, Muhameda
Corkadiju, i Izvrsnog veca SO Pec, Aleksandra Grujica.
---
A cura del Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'".
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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I gruppi di discussione + interessanti e divertenti!
Le liste + calde!!
Il meglio di eCircle!!!
http://www.ecircle.it/ad789403/www.listparade.it
- il nazionalismo croato che alza la testa in Bosnia-Erzegovina
- Stipe Mesic che esalta un suo zio, opportunista che ha combattuto per
tutte le bandiere, compresa quella degli ustascia, come eroe di guerra
della II G. M.
- la Difesa territoriale slovena che si organizza...
- le modifiche costituzionali in Serbia, con la limitazione
dell'autonomia... della Vojvodina, e gli scioperi ed agitazioni tra i
secessionisti in Kosovo
- le prime strade della Croazia intitolate al cardinale nazista Stepinac
- altre curiosita'
(i giornali, da noi casualmente rinvenuti, sono copie di "POLITIKA" del
4, 20, 21 e 22 settembre 1990; traduzione a cura del Coordinamento
Romano per la
Jugoslavia - crj@...)
---
Sarajevo, 21.9.90.
Protest rukovodstva Bosne i Hercegovine
DRSKOST HRVATSKIH VRHOVNIKA JE NESHVATLJIVA
U tome se isticu posebno Dalibor Brozovic i Vladimir Seks. - Stipe Mesic
pretio u Listici.
Predsednistvo SR Bosne i Hercegovine uputilo je pismo Dr Franji
Tudjmanu, predsedniku Republike Hrvatske koje je potpisao Dr Obrad
Piljak.
U poslednje vreme, kaze se u pismu, sve je vise dogadjaja i skupova
politickih stranaka na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine koji se koriste
za slanje poruka i pretnji jedne republike drugoj. U to su ukljuceni,
kako se navodi, odgovorni funkcioneri u drzavnim organima Republike
Hrvatske.
O njihovom dolasku u SR BiH ne obavestavaju se odgovarajuci drzavni
organi ove Republike. Takvo njihovo ponasanje i pogotovo sadrzina vecine
njihovih istupa u tim prilikama dozivljava se kao negiranje suvereniteta
SR BiH i njene ravnopravnosti u Jugoslaviji.
Ko se posebno “istice”
U pismu se dalje kaze da se svojim istupanjima i iznosenjem mnogih
neprihvatljivih stavova ili slanjem pretnji najvise “istakao”
potpresednik Republike Hrvatske akademik dr Dalibor Brozovic. Posebno se
istice da je potpresednik Sabora Hrvatske Vladimir Seks takodje
nenajavljen boravio u Capljini ( ? !, n.d.t.) i to posle javnog
saopstenja sa zajednicke sednice Predsednistva Izvrsnog veca Skupstine i
odgovarajucih funkcionera Skupstine SR B i H, na kojoj su osudjene
navedene pojave dolazaka i delovanja na teritoriji SR BiH drzaavnih
funkcionera iz drugih republika bez znanja drzavnih organa ove
Republike. Predsednistvo SR BiH obavestava Tudjmana da je upoznato i sa
pismom koje je Republickom sekretarijatu za unutrasnje poslove BiH
uputio predsednik Sabora R. Hrvatske Vladimir Seks. Cudno je i
indikativno, glasi komentar Predsednistva sr BiH, da to pismo nije
upuceno preko nadleznih ili odgovarajucih drzavnih organa. Ovakvo
obracanje smatra se neprimerenim korespondiranjem ravnopravnih partnera
i organa dve suverene i ravnopravne republike.
“Hrvatski mladici” i terorizam
Pojedini navodi u tom pismu, kako smatraju clanovi Predsednistva SR BiH,
najblaze receno, zacudjuju.
Kako se moze reci da je recimo l972. Godine u zemlju ilegalno usla
“grupa hrvatskih mladica”, iako je i u svetu poznato da se radilo o
grupi dobro obucenih terorista, koji su u Jugoslaviju ubaceni sa ciljem
da oruzanim akcijama i masovnim ubijanjem ljudi izazovu haos u zemlji i
da sruse ustavni poredak, iako se zna da je u borbi sa njima poginulo i
13 jugoslovenskih gradjana. Ovakve tvrdnje mogu se okvalifikovati samo
kao neshvatljiva drskost.
Jos vecom drskoscu i provokacijom Predsednistvo SR BiH smatra u
pomenutom pismu da su oni likvidirani prilikom ulaska “u Republiku
Hrvatsku, gde je u Bugojnu....”To se smatra otvorenim prekajanjem
unutrasnjih granica u Jugoslaviji i izrazavanje pretenzija prema
teritorijama SR Bosne i Hercegovine negiranjem njenog suvereniteta.
TRADUZIONE
La protesta della leadership della Bosnia-Erzegovina
L’arroganza dei dirigenti croati e’ incomprensibile
In questo si distinguono particolarmente Dalibor Brozovic e Vladimir
Seks. La minaccia di Stipe Mesic a Listica.
Sarajevo, 21 settembre 1990
La presidenza della Repubblica Socialista di Bosnia-Erzegovina ha
indirizzato una lettera al dott. Franjo Tudjiman, presidente della
Repubblica di Croazia, che e’ stata firmata dal dott. Obrak Piljak.
Ultimamente, si dice nella lettera, sempre piu’ spesso avvengono fatti e
raduni dei partiti politici sul territorio della B.E., che vengono usati
per inviare messaggi e minacce da una Repubblica all’altra. In questo si
inseriscono, come viene detto nella lettera, funzionari responsabili
degli organi statali della Repubblica di Croazia.
Del loro arrivo nella R.S.B.E. non vengono informati gli organi statali
competenti di questa Repubblica. Questo loro comportamento e soprattutto
il contenuto della maggior parte dei loro comizi in queste occasioni
viene percepito come una negazione della sovranita’ della R.S.B.E., e
della suoi pari diritti all’interno della Jugoslavia.
Chi si “espone” di piu’
Nella lettera si afferma anche che tra chi si espone con posizioni
fortemente inaccettabili, oppure invia minacce, c’e’ in maniera
particolare il vicepresidente della Repubblica di Croazia, l’accademico
dott. Dalibor Brozovic. Si sottolinea soprattutto che il vicepresidente
del Sabor croato, Vladimir Seks, ha soggiornato - pur non essendo
invitato - a Capljina [cittadina della Erzegovina, dove si trova la
Scuola ufficiali dell’esercito, n.d.T.], e questo e’ avvenuto dopo
l’annuncio pubblico della riunione congiunta della Presidenza del
Consiglio esecutivo dell’Assemblea con i rispettivi funzionari
dell’Assemblea della R.S.B.E., nella quale sono stati condannati questi
ed altri casi simili di arrivi ed azioni di funzionari di altre
repubbliche sul territorio della R.S.B.E. senza che ne fossero informati
i competenti organi statali di questa Repubblica. La presidenza della
R.S.B.E. ha avvisato Tudjman di essere a conoscenza anche del contenuto
della lettera inviata dal Presidente del Sabor della Repubblica di
Croazia Vladimir Seks al Segretariato repubblicano per gli affari
interni della B.E. E’ curioso ed indicativo, si dice nel commento della
Presidenza della R.S.B.E., che questa lettera non e’ stata spedita
tramite gli organismi statali competenti o preposti. Questo modo di
interloquire per corrispondenza e’ ritenuto non appropriato tra due
partner, organi di due repubbliche sovrane e di pari diritti.
I “giovani croati” ed il terrorismo
Alcuni brani della succitata lettera, secondo i membri della Presidenza
della R.S.B.E., quantomeno sorprendono.
Come si puo’ dire, ad esempio, che nel 1972 nel paese e’ entrato
illegalmente un gruppo di “giovani croati”, benche’ tutto il mondo sa
che si trattava di un gruppo di terroristi molto bene addestrati che
sono stati introdotti in Jugoslavia allo scopo di compiere azioni
militari, uccisioni in massa di persone, per scatenare il caso nel
paese ed abbattere la Costituzione, malgrado si sappia che nello scontro
sono morti 13 cittadini jugoslavi. Queste affermazioni possono essere
considerate soltanto alla stregua di una prepotenza incomprensibile.
La Presidenza della R.S.B.E. ritiene essere di una prepotenza e
provocazione ancora piu’ grande il fatto che secondo la suddetta lettera
essi sarebbero stati liquidati all’ingresso “nel territorio della
Croazia, a Bugojno ...”. Questo si ritiene un vero cambiamento delle
frontiere interne della Jugoslavia, con dichiarate pretese nei confronti
del territorio della B.E., negando la sua sovranita’. E’ intollerabile
anche la prassi di abusare dell’ospitalita’, come e’ anche il caso
della minaccia ad un’altra Repubblica pronunciata da Stjepan Mesic,
allora Presidente del governo della Croazia, parlando a Listica.
Questi comportamenti di rilevanti funzionari statali della Repubblica di
Croazia, si dice nella lettera, sono in diretta contraddizione anche con
le posizioni unitarie raggiunte durante l’incontro nel quale si sono
analizzate le reciproche relazioni e la cooperazione futura, nella
conversazione tra le delegazioni delle due Repubbliche a Zagabria il 23
luglio di quest’anno.
A Tudjman si richiede che al fine di una ulteriore cooperazione
reciproca e paritaria, il rapporto e la condotta dei funzionari statali
della Repubblica di Croazia si coordinino in relazione agli accordi ed
alle prese di posizione di Tudjman, riguardanti lo status costituzionale
ed i diritti della R.S.B.E., in quanto repubblica sovrana, indipendente
e di pari diritti nella Repubblica di Jugoslavia.
Nella lettera indirizzata a Tudjman, inoltre, si dice : “Ci farebbe
molto piacere se non dovessimo intraprendere altri passi che potrebbero
influenzare ancor piu’ negativamente la cooperazione reciproca su basi
paritarie, il che e’ senz’altro nell’interesse di tutti i cittadini che
vivono nelle nostre Repubbliche.”
M.Duric
KOME SE TO PRIVIDJA GENERAL
U poslednjem broju “Narodna armija” donosi ko je, zapravo bio Marko J.
Mesic kome njegov
rodjak Stipe pripisuje cin generala i velica ga kao heroja.
A CHI SI FA APPARIRE COME GENERALE
L’ultimo numero di “Narodna Armija” riposta chi e’ stato effettivamente
Marko J. Mesic, a cui il suo parente Stipe aggiunge il grado di generale
e lo esalta come eroe.
Il nuovo numero di “Narodna armija” riporta il commento, sotto la
denominazione “A chi si fa apparire come generale”, in relazione
all’intervista fatta a Stjepan Mesic e pubblicata su “Borba” il 13
settembre. Mesic ha tra l’altro detto : “Mi mettono in relazione con il
generale ustascia Mesic, con il quale sono imparentato, e non si dice
che questo ufficiale dei domobrani [corpo collaborazionista dei tedeschi
durante la II G.M., n.d.T.] con la sua unita’ e’ passato a Stalingrado
dalla parte dell’Armata Sovietica, che alla fine della guerra e’
diventato ufficiale sovietico, e che la sua unita’ nello scontro con i
tedeschi e’ stata decimata.”
Chi era questo “generale sovietico” ? Nella risposta documentata
esclusivamente in base a documenti salvati, il commentatore di “Narodna
armija” scrive che Marko J. Mesic, con il grado di tenente-colonello,
solamente in quattro anni era riuscito (per suoi personali interessi) ad
adattarsi a quattro eserciti ideologicamente diversi. In tutto quel
tempo ha giurato fedelta’ a tutti loro, cambiando facilmente le bandiere
militari, i berretti, portando sfacciatamente anche l’aquila bianca
bicipite [stemma della Jugoslavia monarchica, n.d.T.], e distintivi
ustascia e nazistici, la stella dell’Armata Rossa, lo stemma dell’AVNOJ
[Consiglio Popolare Antifascista di Liberazione Nazionale, fondatore
della RFS di Jugoslavia, n.d.R.] ed il tricolore jugoslavo. Ha
comandato l’ottavo reggimento d’artiglieria dell’esercito jugoslavo,
sezione cannonieri, cioe’ i resti del 369.esimo reggimento rinforzato di
fanteria dell’NDH [stato fantoccio nazista croato di Pavelic, n.d.T.]
sul fronte orientale, e la prima brigata jugoslava dell’Esercito
Popolare di Liberazione formata in URSS, ed ha tradito ognuna di queste
unita’ quanto si trovava nel momento piu’ difficile, oppure esponendole
a perdite catastrofiche. Per sua colpa, da una unita’ di 1530 tra
soldati ed ufficiali, uno su tre ha perso la vita. Per 17 mesi di
combattimenti sul fronte orientale, prevalentemente nella composizione
di gruppi militari d’elite del gruppo dell’Armata sud della Wehrmacht,
e’ stato decorato con 4 onoreficenze - Pavelic lo ha decorato con
“l’ordine militare del trifoglio di ferro” di quarto grado, e poi di
secondo grado, con il diritto di intitolarsi “cavaliere”, mentre Hitler
con la Croce di ferro di secondo grado, e poi del primo ordine. Come
prescelto dell’NKVD, e senza alcuna consultazione con il nostro
Movimento Popolare di Liberazione, dal campo dei prigionieri di guerra
e’ stato inserito nel centro per l’addestramento, a 120 chilometri da
Mosca, come comandante di reparto, e poi della prima brigata jugoslava
dell’Esercito Popolare di Liberazione della Jugoslavia, formatasi in
URSS. La prima e l’unica battaglia che ha comandato fu condotta nel
1944 a Cacak dalla brigata a fianco della Armata Rossa. Qui, negli
scontri con i tedeschi, sono morti 539 soldati ed ufficiali, il che per
numero di perdite in una singola battaglia e’ un caso unico nella storia
dell’Esercito di Liberazione Popolare della Jugoslavia.
Del pessimo comportamento nelle battaglie tenuto dal tenente-colonello
Mesic , da parte dei suoi collaboratori, e di una parte degli ex
legionari, sono rimasti gli scritti di vari autori che descrivono questo
dramma, di prossima pubblicazione in una monografia di questa unita’.
Il comandante ed il capo del comando della 23.esima divisione, Miladin
Ivanovic e Rajko Tanaskovic, hanno proposto l’8 di novembre,nell’analisi
del comportamento della brigata in queste battaglie e nella
risistemazione delle file di scrivere quanto segue : “Che si ripulisca
quanto prima dagli elementi indesiderati e che si sostituisca una
grande parte dei quadri di comando. Ci si riferisce anche al
comandante di brigata, che si e’ dimostrato debole, pauroso,
sconcertato, disturbato e sfiduciato...” Dopo il ritiro della brigata
dal fronte, il tenente colonello Marko Mesic il 18 novembre con
decisione del comandante supremo, e’ stato rimosso dall’incarico di
comandante e spostato ad incarichi amministrativi del Comando
d’artiglieria.
Cosi’ si e’ spenta la stella militare di Marko Mesic, di padre Josip,
nato a Bjelovar. Da tenente-colonello dunque non ha fatto nemmeno un
passo avanti, soltanto forse nei propri desideri, ed ecco anche nei
pensieri di chi pretende che sia un eroe, esempio, oppure vittima, e lui
non merita di essere ne’ l’una, ne’ la seconda, ne’ la terza cosa,
scrive “Narodna armija”. (R.P.)
Odnos prema JNA u Sloveniji se pogorsava.
SLOVENCI BI DA SMENE KOMANDANTA TERITORIJALNE ODBRANE
Namerno zanemaruju cinjenicu da je ta funkcija u nadleznosti Saveznog
sekretarijata za narodnu odbranu.
Il comportamento degli sloveni verso l’EPJ sta peggiorando.
GLI SLOVENI VORREBBERO SOSTITUIRE IL COMANDANTE DELLA DIFESA
TERRITORIALE
Di proposito stanno trascurando il fatto che questa funzione è di
competenza del Segretariato federale per la difesa popolare.
Maribor, 21 settembre l990
In Slovenia non desistono dalla soluzione di sostituire forzatamente il
Comandante della Difesa territoriale, Ivan Hocevar.
Questo comandante non è di loro gradimento a causa della sua aperta
posizione jugoslava, il che ha dimostrato esplicitamente anche nel caso
quando dal Segretariato federale per la difesa nazionale è stato
ordinato che le armi della DT vengano tolte e conservate meglio e più
sicuro nei magazzini militari.
Il nuovo attacco contro il generale Hocevar è arrivato ieri dalle file
del PRTITO Socialista della Slovenia. In esso si contesta a questo
ufficiale”perché non ha ordinato che le armi dal magazzino vengono usate
per le manovre della DT” . Gli viene contestato perché non hs consentito
che ha proibito all’uso delle manovre che in questo contesto sono
pianificate dalla RS della Slovenia, cioè da i suoi dirigenti.
Nella pubblica dichiarazione ufficiale, il Partito socialista tra
l’altro dichiara che ; le manovre della DT in Slovenia saranno
effettuate esclusivamente in base agli ordini dei dirigenti di questa
repubblica, cioè dagli organi competenti. Ciò comporta alla necessità di
nominare un nuovo comandante della DT della Slovenia da parte dei suoi
dirigenti, cioè che questa funzione venga tolta dalla competenza del
Segretariato federale per la difesa jugoslava.
Questo, come anche la chiara politica riguardo le reclute, espressa da
questa repubblica, dimostra che la Slovenia conforme ai suoi piani
confederali, vuole quanto prima l’intera problematica della difesa
nazionale prendere nelle proprie mani, con il che gli organi competenti
della difesa federale come pure la dirigenza della Jugoslavia erano
precedentemente informati.
Perciò, secondo il parere del Partito socialista di questa repubblica,
che in totale esprime le posizioni della dirigenza della Slovenia “il
comportamento del generale Hocevar, ulteriromente aggrava la relazione
della Slovenia con l’EPJ, e con che viene negata la sovranità della
Slovenia, la sua Assemblea e Presidenza”. Tutto ciò, si dice
ulteriormente nella dichiarazione, si crea l’impressione che in Slovenia
c’è una situazione esplosiva (d’incidente).
(S. Petrovic)
Pucnikovo pismo Kucanu
Predsednik vladajuce koalicije u Sloveniji Demos, Joze Pucnik, uputio
je otvoreno pismo Milanu Kucanu u kojem ga optuzuje za neodlucnost u
slucaju oduzimanja i vracanja oruzja teritorijalne odbrane Slovenije.
Lettera aperta di Joze Pucnik, al presidente sloveno Milan Kucan
Ljubljana, 21 settembre
Il presidente della coalizione governativa slovena Demos, Joze Pucnik,
ha inviato una lettera aperta di protesta al presidente della Repubblica
Milan Kucan, nella quale lo accusa per la sua indecisione nel caso della
sottrazione e la restituzione delle armi alla DT della Slovenia.
Sednica Ustavne komisije Vojvodine
PRIHVACEN PREDLOG USTAVA SRBIJE
Novi Ustav omogucit ce svestrani dmokratski razvoj Republike.
Novi Sad, 21 settembre (Tanjug)
La commissione per le questioni costituzionali del Parlamento
SAP(Regione autonoma socialista) della Vojvodina, nella seduta odierna
presieduta dalla presidentessa del Parlamento Verona Adam-Bokros, ha
esaminato e, dopo un dibattito di più ore, ha appoggiato il Decreto
della Costituzione della Repubblica di Serbia.
Alla seduta di questa commissione hanno partecipato alla discussione e
hanno risposto alle molteplici domande i membri della Presidenza della
RS di Serbia e al contempo i membri della Commissione costituzionale
della RS di Serbia Slobodan Vucetic e il dr. Jurij Bajec.
Con il varo della nuova Costituzione, ha dichiarato Verona Adam-Bokros,
si creano le basi per il funzionamento della Repubblica di Serbia come
stato sovrano e moderno. Le risoluzioni proposte esprimono completamente
l’impegno perché la nuova Costituzione renda possibile uno sviluppo
democratico generale della Repubblica di Serbia come una comunità
moderna e democratica inserita nella RSF di Jugoslavia, e anche la
possibilità per uno sviluppo indipendente della Repubblica di Serbia nel
caso in cui non si raggiunga un accordo tra i popoli jugoslavi in una
vita comune nella Jugoslavia federativa.
S Vucetic ha dato ampie motivazioni di alcune decisioni e ha risposto
insieme a Jurij Bajec a molte domande ed anche alle osservazioni
critiche dei membri della Commissione costituzionale della Vojvodina.
Egli ha particolarmente posto attenzione al fatto che anche di fronte ad
una richiesta massiccia di cambiare il termine “nazionalità” nella
Costituzione inserendo il termine “minoranza”, si sia rimasti all’idea
di “nazionalità”, che ha già acquistato il suo pieno significato
soprattutto nella multietnica Vojvodina, il che è anche in conformità
con la Costituzione della RSFJ.
Egli ha smentito le speculazioni e le affermazioni infondate sul
concedere troppo potere al Presidente della Repubblica di Serbia,
sottolineando che l’Assemblea della Repubblica di Serbia ha, come
maggiore organo di governo, un’autorità sia costituzionale che
legislativa, cosicché non si prenda in considerazione nemmeno
l’introduzione di un sistema presidenziale nella repubblica.
JEDNA ULICA U DUBROVNIKU DOBIJA IME ALOJZIJA STEPINCA
Dubrovnik 21 settembre 1990
UNA STRADA A DUBROVNIK PRENDE IL NOME DI ALOJZIJE STEPINAC...
Da "Politika" 4 settembre l990
Pristina ; "Strajk nije uspeo"
Osujecena namera separatista da paralisu zivot na Kosmetu. Republicki
organi Srbije obezbedili normalno funkcioniosanje svih vitalnih funkcija
i snabdevanje gradjana prehrambenim proizvodima.
Danas od separatistickog vrha naredjen i zapocet t.zv. 24. Casovni
generalni strajk Albanaca na Kosovu pretvorio se u poraz sovinista i
separatista......Dok su sve prodavaonice "Mehanizacije" radile, najdalje
u strajku otisli su radnici i rukovodioci, Albanci trgovinskog preduzeca
"Vocar", jer najveci broj prodavaonica nije ni otvoren.
Prvih dana nastava u skolama se odvijala na srpskom, turskom i romskom
jeziku , jer ucenici Albanci nisu ni dosli u skole .
Pristina, 4 settembre : "Lo sciopero non riuscito"
Sventato il tentativo dei separatisti di paralizzare la vita nel Kosovo
e Metohija. Gli organi repubblicani della Serbia hanno assicurato il
funzionamento normale delle funzioni vitali e il rifornimento dei
prodotti alimentari .
Oggi e stato ordinato dai lider separatisti ed è iniziato il cosiddetto
sciopero di 24 ore. Lo sciopero generale degli albanesi nel Kosmet si è
concluso con una sconfitta dei sciovinisti e separatisti... Mentre tutti
i negozi della società "Mehanizacija" sono rimasti aperti, i negozi
della catena alimentare "Vocar", la maggior parte , non hanno aperto.
Postoji li skrivena bolnica ? Veci broj Albanaca nije dosao na
posao. Zene tek sto su se porodile ostavljaju bolnicu. Nestale velike
kolicine lekova.
n Turska salje trupe u Zaljev.
n Gorbacov i Bush pred Branembourskom kapijom. Nemci bi zeleli da
trenutke velike nacionalne radosti podele sa svetom.
n Povlacenje vojske SSSR. Sovjetska armija ima 380.000 vojnika, 160
velikih kasarni, 50.000 oficirskih stanova, 30 aerodroma i 40 poligona.
Protest sovjetskih oficira u garnizonu kod
n Magdenbourga zbog naredbe o skorom povlacenju.
n Ispraviti nepravde nanete Srbiji i srpskom narodu. Novobeogradjani
upoznati sa programom SPS-a.
n Pitanje : Dali ce u Ustavu Srbije sluzbeni jezik biti srpskohrvatski
kao do sada ili srpski, pita Nikola Mrdjan. Srpskohrvatskim jezikom, po
recima Djoke Stojicica, govore 4 naroda - Srbi, Hrvati, Crnogorci i
Muslimani... U sustini to je jedan jezik. Akcije za podelu jezika
ustvari su podle namere da se narodi podele. To je jos krajem sezdesetih
godina u Hrvatskoj sproveo V. Bakaric. On je ustvari odobrio da u
Hrvatskoj u zvanicnoj upotrebi bude hrvatski knjizevni jezik. Sada je
nazalost u Ustavu Hrvatske izbrisan srpski jezik.
......Igra sa terminima, po recima Djoke Stojicica, nimalo nije
naivna. Recimo Siptari na Kosovu su se svojim imenom "sinovi orlova"
ponosili do l968, a onda im je nametnut naziv Albanci. Nazalost oni se
ne upisuju kao jugoslavenski Albanci, vec samo kao Albanci. To znaci
pripadanje Albaniji a en Jugoslaviji. Po onom sto se u svetu priznaje,
oni mogu da budu samo nacionalna manjina. Slicnu igru sada igra SDA u
Sandzaku. Fundamentalisti hoce da su Turci, a zna se da su Muslimani
slovenskog porekla i da govore srpskim jezikom.
U Priboju posle skupstine SDA. Pucalo se na srpsku decu. Zitelji
grada Lima odrzali zbor trazeci ostavke opstinskog rukovodstva koje je
dozvolilo da se osnivacka skupstina SDA obavi u centru grada.
Mr Borisav Radjenovic : "Veliki si posao ucinio za Tudjmana".
Otvoreno pismo Simi Rajicu, potpresedniku Sabora Hrvatske.
Knin : Osnovci nisu posli u skolu. Zbog neizvesne i napete
politicke situacije u Kninskoj krajini danas nije pocela najavljena
nastava u osnovnim skolama. Sindikat prosvetnih radnika, roditelji i
aktivisti Srpske demokratske stranke poslednjih meseci u nekoliko
navrata najavljivali bojkot nastave zbog kroatocentricnih udzbenika i
nastavnih programa. Zbgo bojazni roditelja, naocito onih cija deca
putuju do skole, opstinske prosvetne vlasti odlozili su pocetak nove
skolske godine. Pretprosle noci svi prilazi Kninu blokirani.
Najavljen protestni miting Srba u Sibeniku.
Srbi u Hrvatskoj bili bi srecni da imaju prava Albanaca na Kosmetu,
rekao je Mihajlo Markovic na predstavljanju SPS u Nisu.
Nije rec o niokakvoj zloupotrebi ljudskih prava Albanaca na Kosovu,
vec o stogodisnjoj zelji da se stvori Velika Albanija.... Radovali
bi se i Baski u Spaniji, i Madjari u Rumuniji.....Na Kosmetu se pokusava
da se na jugoslavenskoj, srpskoj teritoriji stvori jos jedna drzava
Albanija. Na zalost ovakve teznje podrzavaju se od Vatikana,
Habzburgovaca, muslimanskih organizacija, a u poslednje vreme i od SAD-a
Iz Amerike se preti kako ce Kongres biti jos restriktivniji u odnosu na
Srbiju i Jugoslaviju i kako nas nece vise pomagati. Time nas ne mogu
uplasiti. Zahvaljujemo im na pomoci koju su nam pruzili pedesetih
godina, ali ono sto su ucinili sedamdesetih, kada smo dobili 20
milijardi dolara, da bi samo kroz kamate do sada morali da platimo 40
milijardi i da nam pri tom ostane dug od 16 milijardi, pre bi se moglo
nazvati pljackom nego pomoci.
U velikoj dvorani Studentskog centra u Zagrebu, "Orlovi" i
"Jastrebovi" u istom jatu. Dajuci podrsku strajku separatista na Kosovu,
hrvatski nacionalisti su se juce obracali okupljernim Albancima pozivom
: "Ustanite braco !"
Doktor Slobodan Lang posti na Trgu Marsala Tita u Zagrebu. Skup
otvorio Ivan Zvonimir Cicak na "zdencu zivota"
Cudna promocija na Sirokom Brijegu. Novi "crnokosuljasi" u stroju.
Makedonija : Dramaticno saopstenje sa preksinocne sednice
Izvrsnog veca sobranja SR Makedonije. Ozbiljno naruseni politicki zivot
i bezbedno stanje u Makedoniji. Jednonacionalna siptarska organizacija,
Partija za demokratski prosperitet, poznata po separatistickim
ciljevima, namece se kao pandan i paralelna vlast legalnim drzavnim
organima. U svom delovanju VMRO -DRMNJ upotrebljava teroristicke metode
linca.
Makedonija - poligon siptarskog separatistickog delovanja kosovske
alternative.
Sejanje straha medju Makedoncima i cestitim Siptarima.
Su Ante Markovic
Krajnje je kontroverzna pojava stranke Ante Mrkovica na
politickoj sceni. Premijer se navodno zalaze za depolitizaciju uprave, a
osniva stranku vlade. Nada se kako rece Mileta Gajic, da ce privuci
siroke mase, a u stvari sprovodi takvu politiku da radnici ne mogu da
poele zaradjeno, a poljoprivrednici da naplateproizvedeno i to po
realnoj sceni.
Sa autorom neobicne knjige o Sumaricama : "Zapisi sa stratista".
Petar Lubarda : Ima li stravicnijeg prizora za ljudske oci od
dece na koju pucaju...". Jean Paul Sartre : "Najbolji utisak koji
stranac moze da ponese iz jedne zemlje, to je bo l koju oseti u toj
zemlji".
"Politika", 22. Septembar 1990.
Na zahtev Okruznog javnog tuzilastva Pristine.
OPTUZENA GRUPA BIVSIH FUNKCIONERA KOSOVA
Zbog osnovane sumnje da su izvrsili krivicno delo udruzivanja radi
neprijateljske delatnosti i ugrozavanja teritorijalne celine SR Srbije
pokrenuta je istraga protiv Juzufa Zejnulahua,Seljadina Skeje, Muhameta
Bicaja, Jusufa Karakusija, Leka Vuksanija, Ise Mustafe i Agima Malje.
Pristina, 21.9.l990.
Okruzni sud u Pristini saopstio je danas da je na zahtev Okruznog javnog
tuzilastva doneo resenje o sprovodjenju istrage protiv sestorice bivsih
clanova Izvrsnog veca Kosova i direktora Radio Televizije Pristina
kojima stavlja na teret da su obrazovali grupu sa ciljem da se
protivustavnim putem izmene granice SR Srbije i Kosovo proglasi
republikom.
U saopstenju se navodi da je istraga pokrenuta protiv Jusufa Zejnulahua,
bivseg predsednika Izvrsnog veca Skupstine SAP Kosovo, Seljadina Skeje,
bivseg sekretara za saobracaj i veze, Muhameta Bicaja, bivseg sekretara
za obrazovanje, nauku i kulturu, Jusufa Karakusija, bivseg pokrajinskog
sekretara za unutrasnje poslove, Leka Vuksanija, bivseg pokrajinskog
sekretara za rad, zdravstvo i socijalnu politiku, Ise Mustafe, bivseg
clana Izvrsnog veca Kosova, kao i Agima Mlaje, bivseg direktora
Radio-televizije Pristina.
Pec, 21.9.90.
Zahtev za smenjivanje predsednika Skupstine opstine, Muhameda
Corkadiju, i Izvrsnog veca SO Pec, Aleksandra Grujica.
---
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vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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I gruppi di discussione + interessanti e divertenti!
Le liste + calde!!
Il meglio di eCircle!!!
http://www.ecircle.it/ad789403/www.listparade.it
-------- Original Message --------
Oggetto: Report from Sofia, Bulgaria
Data: Mon, 6 Nov 2000 17:51:52 -0500
Da: iacenter@...
Rispondi-a: "International" <iacenter@...>
A: "International" <iacenter@...>
Report from Sofia
BULGARIAN ANTI-FASCISTS HOST TRIBUNAL ON NATO WAR CRIMES
Sofia, Bulgaria, Oct. 2 and 3
Two delegations from Yugoslavia traveled to this ancient Balkan capital
in late September. Neither got much international media coverage, but
for different reasons.
On Sept. 27 leaders of the US-backed "Democratic Opposition of
Serbia" met here quietly with representatives of the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund and NATO officials. They signed a "letter
of intent" pledging that when they came to power they would raise
prices, privatize state industry and dismantle Yugoslavia's free health
care system. That was the price the US and other NATO powers
demanded for the hundreds of millions of dollars they pumped into the
campaign to overturn Yugoslavia's Socialist Party government and for
the promised lifting of Western economic sanctions.
Members of the other group had experienced a different form of
Washington's largesse. They had lost children, parents, spouses and
friends to the hail of NATO bombs and missiles that descended on
Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999. They came to tell an international
tribunal of the price the US and NATO imposed on Yugoslavs for not
accepting the IMF's "economic restructuring" plan.
Yugoslavia and Bulgaria have a lot in common. They are neighbors
closely related by language, culture, history and topography. They both
had socialist revolutions at the end of World War II. And over the past
decade they have both been targets of US-directed wars of
destruction. Against Yugoslavia that war was waged with bombs,
missiles, CIA-backed terrorism and economic sanctions. In Bulgaria it
took the form of IMF dictated "shock therapy" imposed by the same
type of "democrats" the US now backs in Yugoslavia. In 1990 a similar
US-funded movement grabbed power in Bulgaria after a campaign of
"destabilization." Today the average Bulgarian lives on 58 cents a day.
"For the past 10 years, life here has been a catastrophe," says Dr.
Mimi Vitkova, who was Bulgaria's health minister from 1995 to 1997.
"We were never a rich country, but when we had socialism our children
were healthy and well-fed. They all got immunized. Retired people and
the disabled were provided for and got free medicine. Our hospitals
were free.
"Today," she continues, "if a person has no money, they have no right
to be cured. And most people have no money. Our economy was
ruined. We had a lot of industry, but after privatization many plants
shut down. We lost our trade with the Soviet Union, with Africa, Latin
America and, of course, Yugoslavia. Officially unemployment here is 17
percent, but in many parts of the country it is 35 percent or more. At
least 1 million of our most educated people have emigrated abroad.
We were promised if we 'privatized' we would get access to West
European markets, but it never happened. Instead we get are tiny
loans from the International Monetary Fund."
Dr. Vitkova is a member of the Bulgarian Antifascist Union, originally
formed by partisans who fought the Nazis and their collaborators
during World War II. While Bulgaria's monarchy sent troops to aid the
Axis in Yugoslavia and Greece, Bulgarian revolutionaries fought
alongside Yugoslav partisans against Hitler's troops.
"Our organization is made up of people who swore to never allow
fascism to return," Vitkova said of the union. "Bulgaria was one of the
the few countries where all Nazi collaborators were punished. But
today the pro-NATO regime is trying to clean up history, saying that
Bulgaria never had fascism. Our main activities are educational, but
they are not only excursions into the past. We may face the same
forces in the future. Our people will not submit to the economic
dictatorship that now rules our country."
On Sept. 30 and Oct. 1, the Antifascist Union hosted the fifth hearing
of
the East Europe?based International People's Tribunal on NATO War
Crimes in Yugoslavia. Previous hearings had been held in Russia,
Ukraine, Germany and Yugoslavia itself. The tribunal cooperates with
the Commission of inquiry on NATO War Crimes headed by former US
attorney general Ramsey Clark. Judges from Bulgaria, Russia, Ukraine,
Georgia, Poland, Burkina Faso, Germany and the United States heard
wrenching testimony from Yugoslav victims of NATO's bombing
campaign. The hearing was opened by Antifascist Union president
Vladimir Velkanov and tribunal president Mikhail Kuznetzov of Russia.
The US antiwar movement was represented by Bill Doares and Lara
Kretskaya of the International Action Center and the US Commision of
Inquiry.
"NATO took everything from me," Olivera Simic of Novi Pazar told the
judges. She described how her husband had gone with their 2-year-old
son to buy parts for their car on May 31, 1999. That was the day
generals at the Pentagon decided to destroy the center of Novi Pazar.
Simic, pregnant, stayed home. She only heard the explosion that
demolished the city's central department store, killing her husband, son
and nine other people.
Elitza Yovanovic was at home on April 5, 1999, the day the US Air
Force bombed the town of Aleksinac. "Aleksinac was my Hiroshima,"
she says. She was not in the house when the missiles hit, but her aunt
and uncle, her husband's parents and most of her friends died that day.
She tried to dig her aunt out of the rubble but it was too late. Her
mother, a doctor, was wounded and died a few months later.
Yovanovic's 6-year-old daughter survived the bombing but still asks
when her left leg will grow back.
Branko Brudaro recalled how he and his wife had decided to send their
9-year-old daughter to stay with his in-laws in rural Montenegro, far
from any roads or military or industrial targets. They could not escape
the Pentagon reach. On April 13, Brudaro's daughter, his wife's sister
and her daughter were killed by NATO bombs.
Milos Markovic is a journalist in the cultural section of Serbian
television. He was working late the night of April 23 when US missiles
destroyed the TV station. "We stumbled outside through smoke and fire
only to see our colleagues' heads and arms lying on top of cars and in
the streets." Markovic noted that Western correspondents often worked
overnight at Serbian TV facilities but none were there the night the
missile hit.
Stoyanc Petrovic's grandson was killed in the bombing. He himself was
hospitalized with a fractured leg when NATO missiles hit the hospital.
20 patients and medical workers died.
A representative of Iraq told of the 9 years of destruction inflicted on
his country by US-directed war and sanctions, which have taken the
lives of hundreds of thousands of children.
The tribunal also heard testimony about the murder and persecution of
Serbs, Romas, Gorans, Turks and other minorities in Kosovo inthe 13
months of NATO-KFOR occupation. The judges unanimously found the
leaders and military commanders of NATO guilty of war crimes against
the people of Yugoslavia. The final verdict called for the abolition of
NATO as a "criminal organization," an end to the occupation of Kosovo
and for reparations to the Yugoslav people from the NATO powers.
IAC representative Doares closed the tribunal with a denunciation of US-
NATO interference in the Yugoslav elections, which he called a
"continuation of the war." He compared the IMF's destruction of the
Bulgarian economy to the devastation of Yugoslavia by NATO bombs
and missiles and drew applause when he called NATO and the IMF
"two arms of the same monster."
Judges from other East European and former Soviet republics were
familiar with the role of NATO and the IMF. One of them was
Pantaleymun Georgadze, general secretary of the Communist party of
the former Soviet republic of Georgia. He told IAC representatives that
while most Georgians now live on the edge of starvation, the US-
backed Shevardnadze wants turn Georgia into a NATO base. "They
want to make the Caucasus a zone of war like the Balkans," he said.
Georgadze's son, once the republic's minister of security, has been
froced into hiding for opposing the Shevardnadze regime.
Representatives from Ukraine told how the NATO-backed "democratic"
regime in their country has also destroyed their country's industry
while
dragging Ukraine into NATO's "Partnership for Peace." NATO held
maneuvers in Ukraine last summer.
Among the Bulgarians attending the hearing was Blagovesta Doncheva, a
former
schoolteacher who was once an anticommunist "dissident. Now an anti-NATO
activist, she was arrested for protesting Clinton's visit to Bulgaria in
1999.
She was deeply concerned about Western intervention in the Yugoslav
elections. "They did exactly the same thing in 10 years ago in
Bulgaria," Doncheva says. "The Bulgarian 'Union of Democratic Forces'
was flooded with money, cars, trucks, computers from the CIA and the
Soros Foundation. They made big promises, and we believed them.
Then the IMF and World Bank destroyed the very fabric of our society.
Our industry was shut down, our pensions were taken away. Earlier
women could retire at 55 and men at 60; now no one can retire. Our
seniors are eating out of garbage bins, children are dying in the
streets
from drugs and malnutrition. The last 10 years have been the most
awful of my life. For us, stopping NATO and the IMF is a matter of
survival."
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
web: http://www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT SITE http://www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
*To make a tax-deductible donation,
go to http://www.peoplesrightsfund.org
---
A cura del Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'".
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.ecircle.it/an_ecircle/articles?ecircleid%c2%91979
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Sito WEB:
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Una newsletter personale,
un forum web personale,
una mailing list personale, ...?
Gratis sotto
http://www.ecircle.it/ad889131/www.ecircle.it
Oggetto: Report from Sofia, Bulgaria
Data: Mon, 6 Nov 2000 17:51:52 -0500
Da: iacenter@...
Rispondi-a: "International" <iacenter@...>
A: "International" <iacenter@...>
Report from Sofia
BULGARIAN ANTI-FASCISTS HOST TRIBUNAL ON NATO WAR CRIMES
Sofia, Bulgaria, Oct. 2 and 3
Two delegations from Yugoslavia traveled to this ancient Balkan capital
in late September. Neither got much international media coverage, but
for different reasons.
On Sept. 27 leaders of the US-backed "Democratic Opposition of
Serbia" met here quietly with representatives of the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund and NATO officials. They signed a "letter
of intent" pledging that when they came to power they would raise
prices, privatize state industry and dismantle Yugoslavia's free health
care system. That was the price the US and other NATO powers
demanded for the hundreds of millions of dollars they pumped into the
campaign to overturn Yugoslavia's Socialist Party government and for
the promised lifting of Western economic sanctions.
Members of the other group had experienced a different form of
Washington's largesse. They had lost children, parents, spouses and
friends to the hail of NATO bombs and missiles that descended on
Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999. They came to tell an international
tribunal of the price the US and NATO imposed on Yugoslavs for not
accepting the IMF's "economic restructuring" plan.
Yugoslavia and Bulgaria have a lot in common. They are neighbors
closely related by language, culture, history and topography. They both
had socialist revolutions at the end of World War II. And over the past
decade they have both been targets of US-directed wars of
destruction. Against Yugoslavia that war was waged with bombs,
missiles, CIA-backed terrorism and economic sanctions. In Bulgaria it
took the form of IMF dictated "shock therapy" imposed by the same
type of "democrats" the US now backs in Yugoslavia. In 1990 a similar
US-funded movement grabbed power in Bulgaria after a campaign of
"destabilization." Today the average Bulgarian lives on 58 cents a day.
"For the past 10 years, life here has been a catastrophe," says Dr.
Mimi Vitkova, who was Bulgaria's health minister from 1995 to 1997.
"We were never a rich country, but when we had socialism our children
were healthy and well-fed. They all got immunized. Retired people and
the disabled were provided for and got free medicine. Our hospitals
were free.
"Today," she continues, "if a person has no money, they have no right
to be cured. And most people have no money. Our economy was
ruined. We had a lot of industry, but after privatization many plants
shut down. We lost our trade with the Soviet Union, with Africa, Latin
America and, of course, Yugoslavia. Officially unemployment here is 17
percent, but in many parts of the country it is 35 percent or more. At
least 1 million of our most educated people have emigrated abroad.
We were promised if we 'privatized' we would get access to West
European markets, but it never happened. Instead we get are tiny
loans from the International Monetary Fund."
Dr. Vitkova is a member of the Bulgarian Antifascist Union, originally
formed by partisans who fought the Nazis and their collaborators
during World War II. While Bulgaria's monarchy sent troops to aid the
Axis in Yugoslavia and Greece, Bulgarian revolutionaries fought
alongside Yugoslav partisans against Hitler's troops.
"Our organization is made up of people who swore to never allow
fascism to return," Vitkova said of the union. "Bulgaria was one of the
the few countries where all Nazi collaborators were punished. But
today the pro-NATO regime is trying to clean up history, saying that
Bulgaria never had fascism. Our main activities are educational, but
they are not only excursions into the past. We may face the same
forces in the future. Our people will not submit to the economic
dictatorship that now rules our country."
On Sept. 30 and Oct. 1, the Antifascist Union hosted the fifth hearing
of
the East Europe?based International People's Tribunal on NATO War
Crimes in Yugoslavia. Previous hearings had been held in Russia,
Ukraine, Germany and Yugoslavia itself. The tribunal cooperates with
the Commission of inquiry on NATO War Crimes headed by former US
attorney general Ramsey Clark. Judges from Bulgaria, Russia, Ukraine,
Georgia, Poland, Burkina Faso, Germany and the United States heard
wrenching testimony from Yugoslav victims of NATO's bombing
campaign. The hearing was opened by Antifascist Union president
Vladimir Velkanov and tribunal president Mikhail Kuznetzov of Russia.
The US antiwar movement was represented by Bill Doares and Lara
Kretskaya of the International Action Center and the US Commision of
Inquiry.
"NATO took everything from me," Olivera Simic of Novi Pazar told the
judges. She described how her husband had gone with their 2-year-old
son to buy parts for their car on May 31, 1999. That was the day
generals at the Pentagon decided to destroy the center of Novi Pazar.
Simic, pregnant, stayed home. She only heard the explosion that
demolished the city's central department store, killing her husband, son
and nine other people.
Elitza Yovanovic was at home on April 5, 1999, the day the US Air
Force bombed the town of Aleksinac. "Aleksinac was my Hiroshima,"
she says. She was not in the house when the missiles hit, but her aunt
and uncle, her husband's parents and most of her friends died that day.
She tried to dig her aunt out of the rubble but it was too late. Her
mother, a doctor, was wounded and died a few months later.
Yovanovic's 6-year-old daughter survived the bombing but still asks
when her left leg will grow back.
Branko Brudaro recalled how he and his wife had decided to send their
9-year-old daughter to stay with his in-laws in rural Montenegro, far
from any roads or military or industrial targets. They could not escape
the Pentagon reach. On April 13, Brudaro's daughter, his wife's sister
and her daughter were killed by NATO bombs.
Milos Markovic is a journalist in the cultural section of Serbian
television. He was working late the night of April 23 when US missiles
destroyed the TV station. "We stumbled outside through smoke and fire
only to see our colleagues' heads and arms lying on top of cars and in
the streets." Markovic noted that Western correspondents often worked
overnight at Serbian TV facilities but none were there the night the
missile hit.
Stoyanc Petrovic's grandson was killed in the bombing. He himself was
hospitalized with a fractured leg when NATO missiles hit the hospital.
20 patients and medical workers died.
A representative of Iraq told of the 9 years of destruction inflicted on
his country by US-directed war and sanctions, which have taken the
lives of hundreds of thousands of children.
The tribunal also heard testimony about the murder and persecution of
Serbs, Romas, Gorans, Turks and other minorities in Kosovo inthe 13
months of NATO-KFOR occupation. The judges unanimously found the
leaders and military commanders of NATO guilty of war crimes against
the people of Yugoslavia. The final verdict called for the abolition of
NATO as a "criminal organization," an end to the occupation of Kosovo
and for reparations to the Yugoslav people from the NATO powers.
IAC representative Doares closed the tribunal with a denunciation of US-
NATO interference in the Yugoslav elections, which he called a
"continuation of the war." He compared the IMF's destruction of the
Bulgarian economy to the devastation of Yugoslavia by NATO bombs
and missiles and drew applause when he called NATO and the IMF
"two arms of the same monster."
Judges from other East European and former Soviet republics were
familiar with the role of NATO and the IMF. One of them was
Pantaleymun Georgadze, general secretary of the Communist party of
the former Soviet republic of Georgia. He told IAC representatives that
while most Georgians now live on the edge of starvation, the US-
backed Shevardnadze wants turn Georgia into a NATO base. "They
want to make the Caucasus a zone of war like the Balkans," he said.
Georgadze's son, once the republic's minister of security, has been
froced into hiding for opposing the Shevardnadze regime.
Representatives from Ukraine told how the NATO-backed "democratic"
regime in their country has also destroyed their country's industry
while
dragging Ukraine into NATO's "Partnership for Peace." NATO held
maneuvers in Ukraine last summer.
Among the Bulgarians attending the hearing was Blagovesta Doncheva, a
former
schoolteacher who was once an anticommunist "dissident. Now an anti-NATO
activist, she was arrested for protesting Clinton's visit to Bulgaria in
1999.
She was deeply concerned about Western intervention in the Yugoslav
elections. "They did exactly the same thing in 10 years ago in
Bulgaria," Doncheva says. "The Bulgarian 'Union of Democratic Forces'
was flooded with money, cars, trucks, computers from the CIA and the
Soros Foundation. They made big promises, and we believed them.
Then the IMF and World Bank destroyed the very fabric of our society.
Our industry was shut down, our pensions were taken away. Earlier
women could retire at 55 and men at 60; now no one can retire. Our
seniors are eating out of garbage bins, children are dying in the
streets
from drugs and malnutrition. The last 10 years have been the most
awful of my life. For us, stopping NATO and the IMF is a matter of
survival."
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
web: http://www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT SITE http://www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
*To make a tax-deductible donation,
go to http://www.peoplesrightsfund.org
---
A cura del Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'".
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.ecircle.it/an_ecircle/articles?ecircleid%c2%91979
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Sito WEB:
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Una newsletter personale,
un forum web personale,
una mailing list personale, ...?
Gratis sotto
http://www.ecircle.it/ad889131/www.ecircle.it
DAL SITO "EMPEROR'S NEW CLOTHES":
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/spring/honor2.htm
Don't Let The War Crimes Tribunal Move Into Belgrade!
by William Spring (11-9-2000)
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/malic/wheels.htm
WHEELS OF INJUSTICE: On the War Crimes Tribunal's Invitation to Belgrade
Nebojsa Malic, 12 November 2000
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/tolls.htm
plus an errata at
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/tolls-r.htm
For Whom the Bell Tolls
by Jared Israel (11-21-2000)
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-1.htm
UNJUST FROM THE START: THE WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL VS. GENERAL DJORDJE
DJUKIC
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-8-2000)
[Note: Prof. Kosta Cavoski is a distinguished Yugoslav law scholar who
has taught theory of law at the University of Belgrade. This is the
first of a 4 part series by Dr. Cavoski on the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, the ICTY or War Crimes Tribunal. It
is urgent that we understand the day to day work of the Tribunal because
the governing forces in Belgrade have invited it to set up an offices in
Belgrade, and have promised to aid in hunting down supposed war
criminals, many of whom are supposedly on a secret list. Here Prof.
Cavoski describes the capture and destruction of one such 'war criminal'
during the early days of the Tribunal. - Jared Israel]
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-2.htm
Unjust, Part II: The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa Krsmanovic
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-13-2000)
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-3.htm
Unjust, Part III: The Illegal Basis of the War Crimes Tribunal
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-13-2000)
Professor Cavoski brilliantly analyzes the legal rationale behind the
War Crimes Tribunal.
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-4.htm
Unjust from the Start, Part IV: Learning from the Inquisition
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-13-2000)
Secret witnesses and some defendants who are more equal than
others. Conclusion of Dr. Cavoski's 4 part series.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Pour la suppression du Tribunal Pénal International de La Haye
Comme les lecteurs de "Balkans-Infos" ont pu le voir dans le dernier
numéro 46, la mise en accusation des leaders de l'OTAN
s'organise à l'échelle internationale.
Parallèlement aux réquisitoires dressés contre eux par d'éminents
juristes, il y a toute une action qui se met sur pied pour
dénoncer la politisation et la partialité du Tribunal pénal
international de La Haye, et pour réclamer sa disparition.
Pour ceux qui sont intéressés à participer à la discussion en langue
anglaise à propos de cette action, voici les adresses
d'e-mail des correspondants de différents pays (Canada, USA, France,
Italie, Indes, etc.) qui envisagent la meilleure façon de
procéder, et qui accueillent toutes les suggestions intéressantes.
"Balkans-Infos" en fait bien sûr partie, mais nous souhaiterions
que la France soit plus présente qu'elle ne l'a été jusqu'à présent dans
ce combat contre l'injustice.
Ceux qui ne parlent que français, peuvent communiquer leurs idées à
Diana Johnstone (qui habite Paris) ou à Louis Dalmas :
Questo indirizzo email è protetto dagli spambots. È necessario abilitare JavaScript per vederlo.
Chris Black : bar@...
Diana Johnstone : 107764.116@...
Michael Mandel : mmandel@...
Ed Herman : hermane@..., emperors1000@...
David Jacobs : david@...
John Laughland JLAUGHLAND@...
John Philpot : jphilpot@...
Tiphaine Dickson : dragonlady25@...
Michel Chossudovsky : chossudovsky@...
Peter Erlinder : perlinder@...
S. Eggerdinger : s.eggerdinger@...
Daniel Dostanic : dostanic@..., stlouis@...
Siddharth Varadarajan :svaradarajan@...
George C. Thomas :gcthomas@...
Tiziano Raffaelli : raffaelli@...
Uwe Ewald :uweewald@...
Louis Dalmas (8/2000)
---
A cura del Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'".
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.ecircle.it/an_ecircle/articles?ecircleid%c2%91979
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Sito WEB:
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
eCircle ti offre una nuova opportunita:
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Organizza on line i tuoi appuntamenti .
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> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/spring/honor2.htm
Don't Let The War Crimes Tribunal Move Into Belgrade!
by William Spring (11-9-2000)
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/malic/wheels.htm
WHEELS OF INJUSTICE: On the War Crimes Tribunal's Invitation to Belgrade
Nebojsa Malic, 12 November 2000
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/tolls.htm
plus an errata at
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/tolls-r.htm
For Whom the Bell Tolls
by Jared Israel (11-21-2000)
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-1.htm
UNJUST FROM THE START: THE WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL VS. GENERAL DJORDJE
DJUKIC
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-8-2000)
[Note: Prof. Kosta Cavoski is a distinguished Yugoslav law scholar who
has taught theory of law at the University of Belgrade. This is the
first of a 4 part series by Dr. Cavoski on the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, the ICTY or War Crimes Tribunal. It
is urgent that we understand the day to day work of the Tribunal because
the governing forces in Belgrade have invited it to set up an offices in
Belgrade, and have promised to aid in hunting down supposed war
criminals, many of whom are supposedly on a secret list. Here Prof.
Cavoski describes the capture and destruction of one such 'war criminal'
during the early days of the Tribunal. - Jared Israel]
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-2.htm
Unjust, Part II: The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa Krsmanovic
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-13-2000)
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-3.htm
Unjust, Part III: The Illegal Basis of the War Crimes Tribunal
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-13-2000)
Professor Cavoski brilliantly analyzes the legal rationale behind the
War Crimes Tribunal.
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-4.htm
Unjust from the Start, Part IV: Learning from the Inquisition
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-13-2000)
Secret witnesses and some defendants who are more equal than
others. Conclusion of Dr. Cavoski's 4 part series.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Pour la suppression du Tribunal Pénal International de La Haye
Comme les lecteurs de "Balkans-Infos" ont pu le voir dans le dernier
numéro 46, la mise en accusation des leaders de l'OTAN
s'organise à l'échelle internationale.
Parallèlement aux réquisitoires dressés contre eux par d'éminents
juristes, il y a toute une action qui se met sur pied pour
dénoncer la politisation et la partialité du Tribunal pénal
international de La Haye, et pour réclamer sa disparition.
Pour ceux qui sont intéressés à participer à la discussion en langue
anglaise à propos de cette action, voici les adresses
d'e-mail des correspondants de différents pays (Canada, USA, France,
Italie, Indes, etc.) qui envisagent la meilleure façon de
procéder, et qui accueillent toutes les suggestions intéressantes.
"Balkans-Infos" en fait bien sûr partie, mais nous souhaiterions
que la France soit plus présente qu'elle ne l'a été jusqu'à présent dans
ce combat contre l'injustice.
Ceux qui ne parlent que français, peuvent communiquer leurs idées à
Diana Johnstone (qui habite Paris) ou à Louis Dalmas :
Questo indirizzo email è protetto dagli spambots. È necessario abilitare JavaScript per vederlo.
Chris Black : bar@...
Diana Johnstone : 107764.116@...
Michael Mandel : mmandel@...
Ed Herman : hermane@..., emperors1000@...
David Jacobs : david@...
John Laughland JLAUGHLAND@...
John Philpot : jphilpot@...
Tiphaine Dickson : dragonlady25@...
Michel Chossudovsky : chossudovsky@...
Peter Erlinder : perlinder@...
S. Eggerdinger : s.eggerdinger@...
Daniel Dostanic : dostanic@..., stlouis@...
Siddharth Varadarajan :svaradarajan@...
George C. Thomas :gcthomas@...
Tiziano Raffaelli : raffaelli@...
Uwe Ewald :uweewald@...
Louis Dalmas (8/2000)
---
A cura del Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'".
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.ecircle.it/an_ecircle/articles?ecircleid%c2%91979
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Sito WEB:
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
eCircle ti offre una nuova opportunita:
la tua agenda sul web - per te e per i tuoi amici
Organizza on line i tuoi appuntamenti .
E' facile, veloce e gratuito!
Da oggi su
http://www.ecircle.it/ad1067368/www.ecircle.it
