Informazione
I DIRITTI UMANI E L'AUTODETERMINAZIONE...
DEI PORTORICANI CONTANO MENO DI ZERO?
Sull'isola di Vieques (Portorico) e' in corso da circa un anno
una vera e propria guerra tra i residenti e le truppe di occupazione
statunitensi, che dal 1941 usano Vieques per le manovre militari ed
hanno installato pure un poligono di tiro.
Gli ordigni bellici disseminati sul territorio nelle esercitazioni
causano incidenti a ripetizione, e la protesta ormai e' appoggiata
dalla popolazione nel suo insieme, compresi ovviamente i gruppi
indipendentisti portoricani che chiedono la liberazione del
territorio dalla occupazione degli Stati Uniti d'America ("Parotid
Independentista Puertorrique").
Nei giorni scorsi i manifestanti sono stati ripetutamente scacciati
via dai Marines, il leader del partito indipendentista Ruben Berrios
e' stato incarcerato insieme ad altri, e Robert Rabin, un altro leader
della protesta, e' stato malmenato dalla polizia ed e' finito
in ospedale.
In base alla legge "Gag Law" del 1948 a Portorico e' vietata
l'esposizione della bandiera portoricana ed ogni altra manifestazione di
affermazione della identita' nazionale.
¡FUERA LA MARINA DE VIEQUES Y DE PUERTO RICO!
¡VIVA PUERTO RICO LIBRE Y SOCIALISTA!
Fonti:
http://www.viequeslibre.org/
http://www.lfsc.org/
http://www.egroups.com/group/cubasi
http://viequesvive.com/public_html/html/ultimatum-e.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/emergency.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/Chants.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/activist.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/comunicados.htm
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000506/sp/orioles_yankees_vieques_oj9.html
http://endi.zonai.com
http://endi.zonai.com/manual/Vieques/index.asp
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
DEI PORTORICANI CONTANO MENO DI ZERO?
Sull'isola di Vieques (Portorico) e' in corso da circa un anno
una vera e propria guerra tra i residenti e le truppe di occupazione
statunitensi, che dal 1941 usano Vieques per le manovre militari ed
hanno installato pure un poligono di tiro.
Gli ordigni bellici disseminati sul territorio nelle esercitazioni
causano incidenti a ripetizione, e la protesta ormai e' appoggiata
dalla popolazione nel suo insieme, compresi ovviamente i gruppi
indipendentisti portoricani che chiedono la liberazione del
territorio dalla occupazione degli Stati Uniti d'America ("Parotid
Independentista Puertorrique").
Nei giorni scorsi i manifestanti sono stati ripetutamente scacciati
via dai Marines, il leader del partito indipendentista Ruben Berrios
e' stato incarcerato insieme ad altri, e Robert Rabin, un altro leader
della protesta, e' stato malmenato dalla polizia ed e' finito
in ospedale.
In base alla legge "Gag Law" del 1948 a Portorico e' vietata
l'esposizione della bandiera portoricana ed ogni altra manifestazione di
affermazione della identita' nazionale.
¡FUERA LA MARINA DE VIEQUES Y DE PUERTO RICO!
¡VIVA PUERTO RICO LIBRE Y SOCIALISTA!
Fonti:
http://www.viequeslibre.org/
http://www.lfsc.org/
http://www.egroups.com/group/cubasi
http://viequesvive.com/public_html/html/ultimatum-e.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/emergency.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/Chants.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/activist.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/comunicados.htm
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000506/sp/orioles_yankees_vieques_oj9.html
http://endi.zonai.com
http://endi.zonai.com/manual/Vieques/index.asp
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Riproduciamo di seguito una intervista ed uno scritto di Mirjana (Mira)
Markovic, leader della Jul - Sinistra Unita Jugoslava http://www.jul.org.yu
- rispettivamente del 1998 e del 1993, riapparsi in questi giorni
sulla edizione completa in CD-Rom di LIMES 1993-1999 (nelle edicole a
30mila lire).
Una nota solamente sui giudizi espressi dalla Markovic sulla leadership
serba di Bosnia: come si puo' vedere gia' nello scritto del 1994, la
Markovic contesta la linea nazionalista di Pale, ed accusa pesantemente
anche Biljana Plavsic, di li' a poco "protetta" della NATO nella fase
post-Dayton. Viceversa usa parole di apprezzamento per Milorad Dodid,
il "moderato" salito in auge ancor piu' di recente. Negli ultimi mesi
tuttavia i rapporti tra la sinistra jugoslava e l'area di Dodik sono
stati compromessi dalle posizioni sempre piu' smaccatamente
filo-occidentali di quest'ultimo. Anche l'alleanza di governo tra i
socialisti (Partito Socialista della Repubblica Serba, di Radisic, vicino
all'SPS ed alla JUL) e la coalizione di Dodik si e' rotta.
---
FAREMO GLI STATI UNITI DEI BALCANI
Conversazione con Mira MARKOVIC, professoressa di sociologia
all’Università di Belgrado e leader della Jul
(da LIMES 3/1998)
LIMES Perché si è disintegrata la Jugoslavia di Tito? Chi ne è stato
maggiormente responsabile?
MARKOVIC Quella Jugoslavia, che lei chiama la Jugoslavia di Tito, ed io
così come effettivamente si chiamava - Repubblica Socialista Federativa di
Jugoslavia - si è disintegrata perché questa disintegrazione faceva parte
del progetto di liquidazione del s ocialismo nei paesi dell’Europa
orientale. Suppongo che gli ideologi di questo progetto si trovino in
Occidente, in quei centri economici e politici consapevoli dell’importanza
storica dell’idea della parità di diritti tra i popoli e tra i cittadini,
i qu ali avevano motivo di temere quest’idea, nonché la capacità di
fermarne lo sviluppo. Un ruolo enorme nella disintegrazione della
precedente Jugoslavia fu dunque svolto da fattori esterni.
Ma questo ruolo, per quanto grande possa essere stato, non è stato
decisivo. Il ruolo decisivo fu dunque, e purtroppo, svolto da fattori
interni. Questi fattori interni erano, infatti, le debolezze intrinseche
alla precedente Jugoslavia. Tra queste, la pr incipale debolezza fu il
nazionalismo. Credo che esso si sia manifestato già negli anni Settanta,
anche se in forma moderata. Tito, con l’enorme influenza che esercitava
sulla vita della Jugoslavia di allora, riusciva a tenere questo
nazionalismo sotto co ntrollo, ad arrestarlo prima che si trasformasse in
un fattore di rilievo. Tuttavia, immediatamente dopo la sua morte, i suoi
successori che ogni anno si avvicendavano alla guida dello Stato, senza la
sua reputazione, il suo influsso e il suo potere, non erano più in grado
di fare nulla per sopprimere il nazionalismo. Direi, anzi, che molti lo
incentivavano. Magari non consapevolmente, e forse non direttamente, ma
certo agivano in una maniera che alimentava il nazionalismo. Lo facevano
perché, volendo raf forzare la propria posizione al vertice jugoslavo,
facevano leva sulla propria nazione incentivandola a nutrire sospetti e
suscitando una certa intolleranza nei confronti degli altri popoli
jugoslavi. Fino alla fine della mia vita resterò convinta che non
fossero consapevoli di quello che poteva nascere da una tale
manipolazione del sentimento nazionale. Erano tempi diversi quelli, senza
pericoli, sereni.
Quando però entrò in azione il piano contro i paesi socialisti, in primo
luogo contro quelli dell’Est europeo, fu proprio nel nazionalismo che
debolmente ardeva nella Jugoslavia che gli ideologi e gli attuatori di
questo piano trovarono un alleato serio e leale. Il nazionalismo dormiente
all’improvviso si trasformò in fiamma. Cominciò a manifestarsi in maniera
aggressiva, come separatismo, come sciovinismo, come il male che infine
distrusse la Jugoslavia.
Sempre, in tutte le occasioni che ho avuto, ho indicato anche un terzo
fattore. Nella disintegrazione della precedente Jugoslavia è stato molto
rilevante il ruolo svolto dagli emigranti politici provenienti da tutti i
popoli della precedente Jugoslavia. All’inizio degli anni Novanta, quando
si resero conto che la Repubblica Socialista Federativa di Jugoslavia era
in pericolo, si affrettarono subito a rafforzare il ruolo
dell’emigrazione. Tutto quello che possedevano - in termini materiali,
morali e politi ci - fu messo a disposizione dei nemici della Jugoslavia,
sia all’interno del paese che fuori di esso. Non ho mai in vita mia visto
un odio così appassionato come quello manifestato da questi emigranti nei
confronti del proprio paese d’origine, né tanta g ioia oscura mentre il
loro paese soffriva, moriva.
LIMES Cosa significava per lei prima e cosa significa oggi Tito, nel senso
storico e politico? In che senso l’attuale Jugoslavia è l’erede di quella
di Tito?
MARKOVIC Tito era alla guida di tutti i popoli jugoslavi nella loro
magnifica lotta eroica contro il fascismo, lotta che i popoli jugoslavi
hanno vinto suscitando l’ammirazione di tutto il mondo. Tito era a capo
del paese che dopo la seconda guerra mondia le con molta pazienza,
perseveranza e con grande successo si riprendeva dalle conseguenze di una
quasi inimmaginabile distruzione materiale. Tito era il garante della
salvaguardia della parità dei diritti nazionali tra i cinque popoli
jugoslavi e tra le n umerose minoranze nazionali. Non c’è mai stato, e per
molto tempo ancora non ci sarà un paese con tale parità di diritti
nazionali come quella esistente nella precedente Jugoslavia. Dopo la morte
di Tito, uno dei presidenti della Jugoslavia, l’albanese Fadilj Hoxha, è
appartenuto a una nazione di minoranza.
Tito era anche un uomo di Stato mondiale, che godeva di una grande
reputazione in tutto il mondo. Era egualmente apprezzato sia all’Est che
all’Ovest, sia da coloro che ne condividevano le opinioni che dai suoi
avversari. E soprattutto godeva di una grande stima tra i popoli poveri
dell’Asia, dell’Africa e dell’America Latina. Credo che questa grande
stima nei suoi confronti permanga a tutt’oggi. Ritengo che Tito sia
diventato un personaggio storico non solo del proprio popolo, ma anche a
livello mondiale . Molti suoi contemporanei si ricordano ancora dei suoi
funerali. Vi erano presenti tutti i capi di Stato del mondo. Come se
l’intero pianeta si fosse riunito per congedarsi da Tito.
No, l’attuale Jugoslavia non è l’erede di quella di Tito. L’attuale
Jugoslavia vuole soltanto salvaguardare l’idea jugoslava e la Jugoslavia
come Stato.
LIMES Cosa vuol dire per lei essere jugoslava? Esiste oggi un’identità
jugoslava anche fuori della Serbia e del Montenegro?
MARKOVIC Per me essere jugoslava vuol dire sentirmi appartenente alla
Jugoslavia che è la mia patria. Io mi considero jugoslava, pur essendo
serba, perché considero mia patria la Jugoslavia. Anche se non ci fosse
questa Jugoslavia in cui oggi mi trovo a v ivere, io mi sentirei comunque
jugoslava, perché sono nata in questo paese, vi ho vissuto per tutta la
mia vita, e l’ho amata più di qualsiasi altro paese al mondo. Le sembra
che una francese, tedesca o italiana, se per caso le dovesse essere
distrutto il suo paese, potrebbe improvvisamente cessare di esserlo? Forse
più tardi ciò potrà valere per qualche altra generazione di francesi,
tedeschi o italiani. Forse, un giorno, altre persone residenti nell’area
di una Jugoslavia ormai inesistente, potranno aver motivo per non sentirsi
più jugoslavi. Ma noi ora - io adesso - non lo possiamo fare. Suppongo che
l’identità jugoslava sia presente anche in altre part i della precedente
Jugoslavia. Solo che lì quest’identità non si può esprimere. Può darsi che
da quelle parti quest’identità non sia così espressa come in Serbia e nel
Montenegro, ma sono certa che anche lì permane comunque, forse in attesa
di altri tempi.
LIMES Pensa che la guerra in Bosnia sia stata inevitabile? Se non lo è
stata, che responsabilità hanno avuto i serbi di Bosnia e quelli di Serbia
per questo conflitto?
MARKOVIC La guerra in Bosnia non era inevitabile. La separazione tra i tre
popoli poteva avvenire anche in un altro modo, meno sanguinoso e meno
tragico.
Non capisco, veramente, perché mi chiede che responsabilità hanno avuto i
serbi per questa guerra. La guerra fu combattuta tra tre popoli - serbi,
musulmani e croati. Tutti i tre popoli sono ugualmente responsabili per
l’inizio della guerra, per la sua du rata e per le vittime che la guerra
ha provocato. Io, come le ho già detto prima, sono serba. Ma non ho mai
detto che i serbi di Bosnia non fossero responsabili della guerra in
Bosnia. Questo, suppongo, mi dà il diritto di dire anche un’altra verità:
i responsabili di quella guerra non sono solo i serbi. Una responsabilità
almeno analoga va attribuita anche ai musulmani e ai croati. Questa è
l’unica verità. Non ne dovete dubitare. Se no, rischiate di offendere le
vittime innocenti di questa guerra inutile, terribile ed insensata.
LIMES Ma non c’era un accordo tra Tudman e Milosevic per la spartizione
della Bosnia?
MARKOVIC No.
Espansione serba e montenegrina
LIMES Cosa pensa di Karadzic e degli attuali dirigenti della Republika
Srpska (Plavsic, Dodik)?(83)
MARKOVIC Nel 1991 io sono stata una dei pochi, solitari opponenti della
politica nazionalista condotta in Bosnia ed Erzegovina dai serbi, dai
musulmani o dai croati. Già nel 1992 scrissi che condannavo la politica
nazionalista sviluppata da Karadzic come leader dei serbi. Ritenevo fosse
mio dovere, essendo serba, esprimere la mia opinione su quello che era
negativo nel mio popolo, mentre quello che era negativo nel popolo
musulmano e croato avrebbe dovuto essere condannato da parte dei musulmani
e croati, che come me, erano di orientamento jugoslavo e di sinistra. La
mia posizione, dunque, l’avevo espressa pubblicamente già da tempo,
all’inizio della tragedia in Bosnia.
Oggi che è stata avviata una vera e propria caccia contro Karadzic, per di
più da parte di coloro che lo avevano sostenuto e adorato - gli stessi che
nel 1992 mi condannavano per aver espresso la mia posizione - non intendo
partecipare a questa caccia.
Per quanto riguarda Biljana Plavsic, già dall’inizio degli anni Novanta la
conosciamo tutti come più nazionalista di Karadzic. Oggi tutti sono assai
perplessi sulla sua svolta copernicana, quando dopo l’elezione (o alla
vigilia dell’elezione) a presidente della Republika Srpska, divenne
un’alleata della politica occidentale, tollerante nei confronti di tutti i
popoli dell’ex Bosnia ed Erzegovina, magnanima rispetto a tutte le mosse
della comunità internazionale e critica nei confronti di Radovan Karadzic.
Non so quando sia stata insincera, quand’era nazionalista, oppure quando è
diventata opponente dei nazionalisti. Probabilmente in entrambi i casi.
Del resto, nella Bosnia socialista lei era stata il decano di una facoltà.
Difficilmente lo avrebbe potuto essere se si fosse opposta a quella
società, come nel 1992 si vantava di aver fatto. Ha studiato a Zagabria.
Parla croato, non serbo, nemmeno la variante bosniaca della lingua serba (*).
Lei è una di quelle personalità polivalenti su cui non si può mai contare
in nessuna occasione, e soprattutto non in un’occasione importante.
Dodik non è nazionalista. Nelle attuali circostanze in Bosnia questo è
molto importante, cioè molto positivo.
LIMES C’è stato in Bosnia un genocidio? In caso affermativo, perché il
Tribunale dell’Aja non ha dato nessun risultato?
MARKOVIC In Bosnia c’era la guerra. Tre popoli hanno combattuto gli uni
contro gli altri. La guerra, come tutto il mondo sa, e soprattutto come sa
la popolazione della Bosnia, è stata atroce. Non so, veramente, quale
possa essere il ruolo di un tribunale internazionale in tutto questo. Se
esistono i criminali di guerra in Bosnia, devono essere giudicati dai loro
popoli.
Quando il Tribunale internazionale per i crimini di guerra dell’Aja avrà
condannato tutti i criminali di guerra attivi in tutto il mondo dal
momento della costituzione di questo Tribunale, allora vengano pure a
prendersi anche questi criminali di Bosnia.
In realtà questo Tribunale, come tutto quanto si definisce internazionale,
già da tempo non è affatto internazionale. Tutte le istituzioni
apparentemente internazionali sono state messe al servizio di un unico
interesse e rappresentano l’espressione di un ’unica volontà.
LIMES Perché i serbi hanno un’immagine così cattiva nei media americani e
in quelli occidentali in generale?
MARKOVIC Perché i serbi si sono rifiutati di sottomettersi a questa unica
volontà; perché hanno rifiutato di mettersi in funzione di questo
interesse unico. Perché hanno un forte senso di libertà, di indipendenza
statale, di dignità nazionale. La “cattiva immagine” del popolo serbo nei
media occidentali, e soprattutto nei media americani, è una rappresaglia
per questo modo di essere del popolo serbo. Tuttavia, a dire la verità,
questa “cattiva immagine” è dovuta anche all’assenza di qualsiasi
tentativo se rio da parte serba di renderla meno brutta, migliore. I
serbi, in modo ingenuo, troppo ingenuo, erano convinti che la verità
sarebbe venuta fuori da sola, che la giustizia avrebbe prevalso. Sono un
popolo irrazionale. Ma di popoli ce ne sono anche così. U n po’
utopistici, abbastanza romantici, irrazionali in modo quasi infantile.
LIMES Nel corso degli ultimi anni, le lobby croate e slovene e le loro
diaspore in Europa e in America si sono adoperate a difendere le posizioni
della Slovenia e della Croazia. Perché anche i serbi non si sono
comportati nella stessa maniera?
MARKOVIC Le ho già detto poco fa - perché erano convinti che la verità e
la giustizia avrebbero prevalso da sole. Perché credono che lassù nel
cielo vi è un Dio che alla fine proteggerà i buoni e gli innocenti. Ma
anche perché non hanno soldi. La Serbia, come sapete, è allo stremo. Per
anni è stata soggetta alle sanzioni. Inoltre, ha accolto un enorme numero
di profughi. Ha aiutato il proprio popolo durante la guerra in Bosnia, ma
anche dopo, in tempi di pace. Ora sta raccogliendo aiuti per gli albanesi
c he, dalle foreste dove si erano rifugiati fuggendo davanti ai terroristi
albanesi, stanno rientrando nelle proprie case saccheggiate da questi
stessi terroristi. Naturalmente, si raccolgono aiuti anche per i serbi le
cui case sono state bruciate dai terro risti e i loro beni portati via…
Dove li prende un popolo come questo i fondi per pagare i giornalisti a
New York e a Londra affinché scrivano che i serbi si comportano veramente
così come ho scritto io, che non sono stati loro a provocare la guerra in
Bosnia, come in realtà non sono sta ti, che non stuprano le donne
albanesi, come veramente non fanno, e che non perseguitano nessuna
minoranza, come in realtà non la perseguitano… Io questo lo capisco
perfettamente. È come se lei dovesse pagare qualcuno per scrivere che lei
è un italiano, u n giornalista e un uomo.
LIMES Perché la crisi nel Kosovo, annunciata da anni, è esplosa senza che
nessuno cercasse di prevenirla? Qual è la possibile soluzione per questa
crisi?
MARKOVIC La crisi nel Kosovo è iniziata nel momento in cui nella
cosiddetta comunità internazionale fu deciso che iniziasse. Gli albanesi
hanno ricevuto il segnale di avviare la guerra santa per la secessione
dalla Serbia. I serbi e gli albanesi convivono nel Kosovo da molti anni.
Periodi di tolleranza seguivano periodi di intolleranza. Così avviene in
tutte le comunità plurinazionali. E in ciascuna di esse vi è motivo per
credere che il prossimo secolo possa portare alla limitazione
dell’intolleranza e a ll’estensione della zona di tolleranza, di buona
volontà, di comprensione. Sarà così, credo, nel secolo venturo.
L’espansione dell’odio, dell’intolleranza e della violenza un anno e mezzo
prima dell’inizio di questo nuovo secolo non può essere altro che i l
risultato di spinte particolarmente perfide, di un male programmato,
motivato da un forte, molto egoistico e crudele interesse - nazionale,
sociale, politico, e il più delle volte, un interesse di gruppo.
La crisi si risolverebbe in tempi relativamente brevi e assai facilmente
se dall’area colpita dalla crisi se ne andassero via coloro che l’hanno
provocata, per i quali qui non c’è posto. Tutti gli estranei, soprattutto
quelli malintenzionati, intriganti e faccendieri tra politici,
diplomatici, apparenti operatori umanitari, innumerevoli negoziatori ed
osservatori, tutta questa gente vana che invece di occuparsi dei problemi
del proprio paese e della propria famiglia si occupa di quelli di un paese
e delle famiglie altrui.
LIMES Nella stampa jugoslava spesso si può leggere che il Kosovo è la
Gerusalemme serba”. Lei è d’accordo con questo?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Cosa pensa della divisione del Kosovo?
MARKOVIC L’attuale generazione di serbi, la mia generazione di serbi, non
può pensare alla divisione del Kosovo. La sua generazione di italiani
pensa forse alla divisione dell’Italia settentrionale?
Cosa ne penseranno i futuri serbi ed italiani, oggi nessuno lo sa dire.
Io, comunque, credo che le divisioni, i confini e gli Stati saranno
attuali ancora per un po’ di tempo, forse molto breve. Davanti a noi vi è
un mondo senza confini. Vivremo tutti su questo pianeta che sarà la nostra
patria.
LIMES Se lei fosse un’albanese e vivesse nel Kosovo, cosa farebbe?
MARKOVIC Ecco cosa farei. Se io, albanese, sentissi il Kosovo come la mia
terra, la terra ove trascorrere la mia vita, farei tutto il possibile per
trovare un linguaggio comune con i serbi del Kosovo, e con loro e con
tutti gli altri mi adopererei a costr uire un posto comune sotto il sole.
Se invece i miei sentimenti fossero di odio e di intolleranza nei
confronti dei serbi, se la Serbia e la Jugoslavia mi fossero estranee,
allora mi trasferirei in Albania, nel peggiore dei casi, o meglio a
Lugano. Lì ci sono molti albanesi. Però, in Svizzera non sono equiparati
nei diritti con gli svizzeri come lo sono con i serbi nel Kosovo. Questa
mancata parità di diritti rispetto agli svizzeri, tuttavia, non suscita
nessuna tensione, perché non si illudono che, malgr ado la loro numerosa
presenza, Lugano possa mai diventare una repubblica albanese, nonostante
che pure lì possano presto diventare una popolazione maggioritaria.
LIMES Quale è oggi il ruolo delle mafie nei Balcani?
MARKOVIC In tutti i paesi ex socialisti c’è stata una crescita della
criminalità. In questi paesi prima la criminalità era marginale. Tutti i
paesi socialisti erano posti dove si poteva vivere sicuri. Con il
cambiamento del sistema sociale si è avuta una grande espansione della
criminalità in quei paesi, insieme ad altre forme di distruzione della
società.
LIMES Ma nell’area balcanica ed ex jugoslava, in particolare, c’è una
compenetrazione fra mafie e nazionalismi?
MARKOVIC Io mi sono già segnalata come avversaria del nazionalismo. Credo
di aver detto tutto quello che di brutto si può dire dei nazionalismi.
Però è difficile trovare un legame fra criminalità e nazionalismi. Non
trovo, veramente, nessun punto in comun e tra questi due fenomeni, tra
questi due mali. Qui da noi una cosa del genere è fuori questione.
Anzi, penso che la criminalità non abbia nessun senso per le nazioni, i
confini e gli Stati. Ha piuttosto un effetto integrativo, è molto
internazionale. Questo naturalmente è ironico, perché dovrebbero essere i
valori positivi a collegare i popoli. Ma se parliamo della criminalità in
questo secolo, le cose stanno proprio così.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, il progetto di una “dorsale verde” che dovrebbe
collegare i musulmani della Bosnia con quelli del Sangiaccato, di Novi
Pazar, del Montenegro, del Kosovo e dell’Albania?
MARKOVIC Non saprei, veramente, se esiste proprio un progetto del genere.
Però, esiste una solidarietà musulmana in tutto il mondo. I musulmani
dell’Africa e dell’Asia sono popoli che hanno sofferto molto, per cui è
logico che vogliano uscire da questo st ato di povertà, di arretratezza e
di subordinazione rispetto ai popoli occidentali ed europei. Io penso che
debbano uscirvi non fondandosi sulla religione, ma attraverso lo sviluppo
materiale ed economico, attraverso l’instaurazione di legami con altri po
poli, altre culture ed altre esperienze.
Per quanto riguarda invece i musulmani dei Balcani, quelli ai quali lei fa
riferimento, per loro tutto quanto ho appena detto non vale. Loro, pur
essendo musulmani, non erano né più poveri né più arretrati rispetto agli
altri popoli con cui convivevano ne i Balcani. E soprattutto, non erano
subordinati agli altri popoli balcanici. La posizione dei musulmani nei
Balcani va risolta in base ai princìpi di una razionale, economica,
sociale, umana e moderna vita culturale con gli altri. Il rispetto e
l’attuazio ne di questi princìpi darà un impulso maggiore e più rapido
allo sviluppo di queste regioni musulmane di quanto lo possa dare la
medievale illusione di un’integrazione su basi religiose.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, un’“Internazionale ortodossa”, un rapporto
privilegiato che collega in particolare la Russia, la Grecia e la
Jugoslavia?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Come giudica la posizione americana nella crisi balcanica? E quella
dei paesi europei, in particolare di Germania, Francia e Italia?
MARKOVIC Alla grave crisi dei paesi balcanici hanno contribuito molto
anche gli Stati Uniti d’America e alcuni influenti paesi dell’Europa
occidentale. Io, naturalmente, non so quale sia stato il contributo
apportato da ciascuno di questi paesi europei. A lcuni di loro sono più
responsabili per il dramma balcanico, altri meno. Penso che il contributo
dell’Italia a questa triste vicenda sia stato modesto. Questo non lo dico
per cortesia, per il fatto d’avere lei come interlocutore.
LIMES Potrebbe definire i confini dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC I confini dei Balcani per me oggi restano quelli che mi sono
stati insegnati durante le lezioni di geografia quando frequentavo il
liceo. Tra l’Ungheria a nord e la Grecia a sud. Tra la Slovenia a ovest e
la Romania a est. A lei, quando frequenta va la scuola, hanno forse
insegnato diversamente?
LIMES Quale configurazione dovrebbe avere secondo lei l’area balcanica nel
futuro?
MARKOVIC Per quanto riguarda il futuro dei Balcani, io lo vedo come una
comunità dei popoli che vivono nei Balcani. In nessun’altra parte del
mondo, o almeno in nessun’altra parte d’Europa, esistono tanti popoli che
vivono insieme in una sola regione. In Ungheria ci sono molti rumeni, in
Romania molti bulgari, in Bulgaria i turchi, in Turchia i greci, in Grecia
gli albanesi, in Albania i montenegrini, nel Montenegro i serbi, in Serbia
i croati, in Croazia gli sloveni, in Slovenia i bosniaci.
Tra gli Stati balcanici ci saranno sempre - nel migliore dei casi -
tensioni, per non dire scontri. Per mille anni ancora, continueranno a
scontrarsi per un villaggio o un fiume, per una battaglia del passato o
per l’alfabeto. Ci vorrà ancora un secolo di chiarimenti e litigi su
questioni come chi tra loro sia stato il primo ad insediarsi nei Balcani,
chi il più coraggioso nel passato, chi abbia apportato il maggior
contributo alla cultura, chi goda della migliore reputazione nella
comunità internazionale , chi abbia la religione più antica, la
letteratura più famosa…
Queste tensioni e questi scontri potranno essere fermati soltanto da una
comunità dei popoli - da un’Unione, Confederazione o Stati Uniti dei
Balcani, una qualsiasi di queste forme, ma solo una comunità di questo
tipo potrà costituire il presupposto per l a pace e lo sviluppo di questa
parte del mondo.
Negli Stati Uniti dei Balcani tutti gli albanesi, tutti i serbi, tutti i
bulgari, tutti i croati eccetera potranno vivere in un solo Stato. Uso il
termine “Stati Uniti” perché vedo gli Stati Uniti d’America come un
esempio di successo nella convivenza. Le differenze fra coloro che hanno
costituito gli Usa erano molto più grandi di quelle che separano i popoli
balcanici. Se in America tedeschi, portoricani, irlandesi e giapponesi
possono vivere insieme, perché non potrebbero riuscirvi serbi, bulgari,
croat i, montenegrini e albanesi, popoli molto simili ormai da secoli?
LIMES Il territorio degli Stati Uniti era vergine, quello dei Balcani è
carico di storia…
MARKOVIC Non è detto che questo fosse un vantaggio per gli americani e sia
un punto debole per noi. Se certo il fatto che gli spazi nel Nuovo Mondo
fossero vuoti era un vantaggio, è anche vero che le differenze fra i
popoli che vi si insediarono erano eno rmi. Sotto il profilo religioso,
etnico e culturale le differenze erano molto spiccate, e poi si trattava
spesso di persone di struttura molto aggressiva. Ciò nonostante gli
americani sono riusciti a creare la base di uno Stato comune.
Per quanto riguarda noi balcanici, è vero che la nostra lunga storia può
essere un punto debole negli sforzi volti a creare uno Stato comune. Ma
può essere anche un vantaggio. Proprio perché la nostra lunga storia
comprende giorni difficili, guerre sangui nose. Una tale esperienza
storica può dare impulso alla ricerca della convivenza comune. Può
facilmente accadere che un giorno le persone più intelligenti che vivono
nei Balcani dicano: “Basta! Adesso bisogna cambiare!”.
Non deve credere che questa soluzione sia troppo radicale, irrealistica. A
volte mi si dice che sono un’utopista. E io non mi adopero troppo a
smentirlo. Tutte le utopie si sono finora, in sostanza, realizzate: nella
scienza, nella tecnologia, nella cultu ra, nella politica e nella vita
sociale. Naturalmente mi riferisco alle cosiddette utopie felici. Per
quanto attiene a quelle nere, finora non se ne è realizzata nessuna.
LIMES Fra quanto tempo avremo dunque gli Stati Uniti dei Balcani? Anni,
decenni, secoli?
MARKOVIC Io spero che si tratti di anni. La storia della fine di questo
secolo è piena di sorprese. Vi sono molti motivi razionali e morali che
fanno sperare che i popoli balcanici possano nel prossimo secolo vivere
sotto un cielo nuovo, più felice.
Jugoslavia 1945-1991
LIMES E quali saranno i confini degli Stati Uniti dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC Se si costituisse una comunità di tali popoli, questa si
troverebbe sul territorio oggi da loro abitato, la penisola balcanica.
Come le ho detto, per me i confini dei Balcani sono compresi tra Ungheria,
Romania, Grecia e Slovenia. Ma io spero che alla fine del prossimo secolo
non ci siano più né confini né Stati.
Oggi i separatisti e secessionisti sono all’offensiva. Tuttavia io penso
che sia una forma di resistenza medievale alla tendenza al cosmopolitismo,
al mondialismo che prevarrà. Il vecchio mondo sta resistendo al nuovo con
le sue ultime forze. La parte più scura della notte è quella che precede
l’alba.
Noi siamo alla vigilia della società universale. Sotto l’aspetto
tecnologico, scientifico, culturale, delle comunicazioni questo mondo è
già molto unito. L’idea del villaggio globale, del pianeta come patria di
tutti, è oggi un’idea reale, che deriva dal modo di vita moderno. Per me i
separatismi che stanno emergendo in questi anni - dal Kosovo alla Corsica
al Paese Basco al Québec - sono semplicemente assurdi, grotteschi. È il
canto del cigno di un mondo che sta morendo.
LIMES Secondo lei la politica di Belgrado è coerente con questa sua utopia?
MARKOVIC Il fatto che io stessa abbia usato il termine utopia non vuol
dire che lo debba usare anche lei. Tutto nello sviluppo economico,
politico e culturale del mondo contemporaneo ci indica che il mondialismo
non è una visione utopistica, ma una vision e scientifica del mondo.
Quanto alla politica di Belgrado, come quelle di Tokyo, di Washington o di
Londra, non è fondata sulla scienza. O almeno non in modo particolare, non
in modo sufficiente. Tuttavia, il grado attuale di sviluppo della scienza
in gen erale, e soprattutto delle scienze sociali, fa venir meno i motivi
per cui la politica era sinora costretta a fondarsi sulle improvvisazioni.
E incentiva la politica a utilizzare di più il metodo scientifico per
capire la società, le consente di pianifica re meglio lo sviluppo.
LIMES Quale sarebbe il rapporto fra Stati Uniti dei Balcani ed Europa?
MARKOVIC L’Europa, la cui parte più progressiva tende ad integrarsi in una
comunità associata, non potrà mai raggiungere questo obiettivo finché non
ci sarà anche un’integrazione della penisola balcanica. L’integrazione dei
Balcani è il presupposto non so lo per la pace e lo sviluppo dell’area
balcanica, ma anche la condizione per la pace e lo sviluppo in Europa.
L’Europa non potrà essere un continente pacifico, sviluppato e
progressivo, senza che lo siano tutte le sue parti, ivi compresa quella
alla quale l’Europa rinuncerebbe volentieri. Ma non si può. I Balcani
restano parte dell’Europa, sono Europa. Perciò l’Europa deve investire
nella pace e nello sviluppo di questa sua parte, per assicurare la pace e
lo sviluppo a se stessa. Non faccio appello all’um anesimo e alla
giustizia dell’Europa, ma conto sul suo egoismo e sulla sua ragione.
(a cura di Lucio Caracciolo)
---
Tutti i colori possono stare insieme tranne il nero
di Mira Markovic
(da "Notte e giorno - Diario", BMG Belgrado 1995;
in italiano su LIMES 3/1996)
Dal diario di una testimone d’eccezione del dramma jugoslavo, la moglie
del presidente serbo Milosevic. Un’invettiva contro Biljana Plavsic, la
dama di ferro’ di Pale, proiettata sul palcoscenico internazionale dopo
il ritiro formale di Karadzic.
Belgrado, 10 settembre 1993
Le dichiarazioni di Biljana Plavsic - che propone di espellere tutti i
musulmani dal territorio della Bosnia orientale e di concedere loro una
parte della ex Bosnia-Erzegovina, per non doversi trovare a contatto con
loro - sono nazismo puro e semplice. Ch i conosce il nazismo non può avere
dubbi in proposito; ma vedo che anche gente a cui le teorie del nazismo
non sono familiari e che sa poco della sua storia è stata turbata da
queste dichiarazioni, le quali non presagiscono niente di buono non solo
per i musulmani ma nemmeno per i serbi. In tutta la loro storia i serbi
non sono mai stati aggressori; hanno combattuto, al contrario, per
resistere alle aggressioni altrui. Hanno combattuto con molto valore, ma
anche con molto onore; e non sono mai stati incli ni alla vendetta.
Durante la seconda guerra mondiale i serbi sono stati i primi tra i popoli
jugoslavi, e tra i primi in Europa, a prendere posizione contro il
fascismo. Hanno combattuto contro il fascismo con tutta l’anima,
impegnandosi completamente e d ando alla lotta un contributo forse
maggiore di quello che immaginavano di poter dare.
La nazione serba ha lasciato la sua impronta sulla storia mondiale e sulla
civiltà mondiale del XX secolo, specie nella seconda metà, in virtù del
suo coraggio e della sua dirittura morale. Non si vuol dire con ciò che
noi non veniamo accusati, per lo più giustamente, di avere alcuni difetti;
ma nessuno ci ha mai negato i nostri pregi. Al contrario.
Per la prima volta l’immagine della nazione serba si è offuscata agli
occhi del mondo. Per la prima volta si parla e si scrive di noi come di
aggressori e criminali. Anche fra di noi, naturalmente, non sono mancate
le mele bacate, gente che ha fatto del m ale ad altri popoli e nazioni (e
ai suoi stessi connazionali e consanguinei); ma questa genia non è mai
stata prevalente, ed è stata controbilanciata dall’amore per la libertà e
dalle qualità umane coltivate dai serbi di tutte le generazioni, nel corso
de i secoli.
A mio parere non dovremmo turbarci troppo per la nuova e brutta immagine
del popolo serbo a cui negli ultimi anni è stata data tanta pubblicità.
Dobbiamo, invece, cercare di analizzare questa immagine.
In primo luogo, non è vero che tutti ci odiano. Non è vero che tutto il
mondo, e neanche la maggior parte, nutre avversione per il popolo serbo.
Ho l’impressione che nemmeno i tedeschi, da noi considerati come il nostro
nemico numero uno nel XX secolo, ab biano un atteggiamento negativo verso
l’insieme della nazione serba. In secondo luogo, dobbiamo cercare di
vedere in che misura siamo noi stessi responsabili di questa brutta
immagine. La cattiva fama acquistata dalla Serbia non è tutta colpa
nostra; ma c erto il biasimo ricade in parte su di noi.
E adesso, dopo i discorsi di Biljana Plavsic, direi perfino che noi siamo
da biasimare fortemente. Ci sono stati parecchi discorsi del genere, e
comportamenti conformi; e spesso non hanno suscitato nel pubblico serbo la
debita reazione. Oggi, 10 settembre , voglio parlare non delle
dichiarazioni nazistoidi di Biljana Plavsic, ma della tiepida reazione che
le ha accolte. Le parole crudeli della Plavsic non mi feriscono e non mi
preoccupano più di tanto. Nella nostra nazione serba persone del genere ci
sono sempre state, prima dei turchi ottomani e sotto i turchi ottomani,
prima dei fascisti, sotto i fascisti e dopo i fascisti... sempre. Ma mi
preoccupa la risposta debole, appena percettibile, a simili opinioni: che
data l’alta posizione politica della loro autrice possono avere e
probabilmente hanno avuto conseguenze pratiche. Le sue parole possono
stimolare determinate azioni, e forse l’hanno già fatto.
Il “mondo” ci ritiene colpevoli della pulizia etnica operata dai serbi
bosniaci a danno dei musulmani. Noi neghiamo ogni responsabilità. Perché,
allora, reagiamo in modo così apatico alle brutali dichiarazioni del
vicepresidente della Repubblica serba, il nuovo Stato serbo, invocanti una
pulizia etnica nella ex Bosnia-Erzegovina? Queste dichiarazioni naziste
avrebbero dovuto suscitare qui in Serbia un’ondata di proteste, da parte
della destra e della sinistra, del governo e dell’opposizione, da parte di
t utti. Invece le proteste sono state fiacche. Dai comunisti non si è
udita una sillaba; i socialisti si sono limitati a borbottare qualcosa in
un breve e anemico comunicato stampa del vicepresidente del partito;
qualche protesta è venuta dai democratici, m a tutte sono state sovrastate
da altre proteste che al momento ci toccano più da vicino e sono quindi
considerate più importanti.
Ho parlato con molta gente di questo episodio; e tutti all’unanimità hanno
convenuto sul carattere brutale, fascista e nazista di tali dichiarazioni.
Ho tuttavia l’impressione che molti sottovalutino il pericolo che qui da
noi si cada in preda al fascismo . Pensano che nel nostro paese una cosa
simile non potrebbe mai accadere, che i discorsi fascisti e nazisti non
vanno presi sul serio perché chi li fa non merita di essere preso sul
serio. Forse è vero che il fascismo non metterà mai radici in Serbia o tr
a i serbi nostri vicini. Eppure io personalmente ritengo che il minimo
sintomo di fascismo sia motivo di preoccupazione e meriti una risposta
vigorosa. Meglio reagire con troppa forza che in modo fiacco e incerto;
meglio troppo presto che troppo tardi.
A questo riguardo la storia recente dovrebbe servire di monito. Fino
all’ultimo momento, fino al trionfo elettorale di Hitler, le persone colte
e intelligenti lo presero sottogamba, considerandolo un buffone, un
predicatore di assurdità che non avrebbe ma i attecchito nella patria di
Goethe.
Temo, ogni giorno di più, che il popolo serbo confidi troppo nello spirito
espresso da Branko Radicevic in Kolo, poema umanistico sulla fratellanza
di tutte le nazioni slavo-meridionali, esaltante una vita in comune. Temo
che il popolo serbo sia troppo co nvinto e compiaciuto della propria
nobiltà d’animo per riconoscere che nel suo seno si annida la vipera
dell’odio per altre nazioni e di un potenziale fascismo.
Se la Serbia ha bisogno di una qualche coalizione, alleanza o fronte
comune, si tratta di una coalizione, alleanza o fronte comune per una
campagna contro la violenza e il pericolo fascista; una campagna che
dovrebbe indurre tutte le persone normali a uni re le proprie forze.
Davanti a un male di questa natura, anche le differenze tra i vari partiti
politici, che oggi eccitano tante controversie, impallidiscono e diventano
irrilevanti, e così ogni altra differenza: di educazione, origine, età e
professione , di religione e di nazionalità. Qualunque alleanza è
necessaria e morale tranne una. Tutti i colori possono stare insieme
tranne il nero.
Il tempo ci saprà dire, e non in un futuro remoto. I fatti mi daranno
ragione.
(traduzione di Riccardo Ricci)
---
(*) NOTA DEL CRJ
Questo parere della Markovic e' per noi incomprensibile.
La Plavsic non puo' usare la "lingua croata", perche' questa non esiste
(la lingua di tutte le popolazioni della Bosnia-Erzegovina e' il
serbocroato), a meno che non si voglia dire che la Plavsic usa il lessico
artificialmente reintrodotto in questi anni anni dal "MinCulPop" di
Tudjman, il che ci sembra inverosimile.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Markovic, leader della Jul - Sinistra Unita Jugoslava http://www.jul.org.yu
- rispettivamente del 1998 e del 1993, riapparsi in questi giorni
sulla edizione completa in CD-Rom di LIMES 1993-1999 (nelle edicole a
30mila lire).
Una nota solamente sui giudizi espressi dalla Markovic sulla leadership
serba di Bosnia: come si puo' vedere gia' nello scritto del 1994, la
Markovic contesta la linea nazionalista di Pale, ed accusa pesantemente
anche Biljana Plavsic, di li' a poco "protetta" della NATO nella fase
post-Dayton. Viceversa usa parole di apprezzamento per Milorad Dodid,
il "moderato" salito in auge ancor piu' di recente. Negli ultimi mesi
tuttavia i rapporti tra la sinistra jugoslava e l'area di Dodik sono
stati compromessi dalle posizioni sempre piu' smaccatamente
filo-occidentali di quest'ultimo. Anche l'alleanza di governo tra i
socialisti (Partito Socialista della Repubblica Serba, di Radisic, vicino
all'SPS ed alla JUL) e la coalizione di Dodik si e' rotta.
---
FAREMO GLI STATI UNITI DEI BALCANI
Conversazione con Mira MARKOVIC, professoressa di sociologia
all’Università di Belgrado e leader della Jul
(da LIMES 3/1998)
LIMES Perché si è disintegrata la Jugoslavia di Tito? Chi ne è stato
maggiormente responsabile?
MARKOVIC Quella Jugoslavia, che lei chiama la Jugoslavia di Tito, ed io
così come effettivamente si chiamava - Repubblica Socialista Federativa di
Jugoslavia - si è disintegrata perché questa disintegrazione faceva parte
del progetto di liquidazione del s ocialismo nei paesi dell’Europa
orientale. Suppongo che gli ideologi di questo progetto si trovino in
Occidente, in quei centri economici e politici consapevoli dell’importanza
storica dell’idea della parità di diritti tra i popoli e tra i cittadini,
i qu ali avevano motivo di temere quest’idea, nonché la capacità di
fermarne lo sviluppo. Un ruolo enorme nella disintegrazione della
precedente Jugoslavia fu dunque svolto da fattori esterni.
Ma questo ruolo, per quanto grande possa essere stato, non è stato
decisivo. Il ruolo decisivo fu dunque, e purtroppo, svolto da fattori
interni. Questi fattori interni erano, infatti, le debolezze intrinseche
alla precedente Jugoslavia. Tra queste, la pr incipale debolezza fu il
nazionalismo. Credo che esso si sia manifestato già negli anni Settanta,
anche se in forma moderata. Tito, con l’enorme influenza che esercitava
sulla vita della Jugoslavia di allora, riusciva a tenere questo
nazionalismo sotto co ntrollo, ad arrestarlo prima che si trasformasse in
un fattore di rilievo. Tuttavia, immediatamente dopo la sua morte, i suoi
successori che ogni anno si avvicendavano alla guida dello Stato, senza la
sua reputazione, il suo influsso e il suo potere, non erano più in grado
di fare nulla per sopprimere il nazionalismo. Direi, anzi, che molti lo
incentivavano. Magari non consapevolmente, e forse non direttamente, ma
certo agivano in una maniera che alimentava il nazionalismo. Lo facevano
perché, volendo raf forzare la propria posizione al vertice jugoslavo,
facevano leva sulla propria nazione incentivandola a nutrire sospetti e
suscitando una certa intolleranza nei confronti degli altri popoli
jugoslavi. Fino alla fine della mia vita resterò convinta che non
fossero consapevoli di quello che poteva nascere da una tale
manipolazione del sentimento nazionale. Erano tempi diversi quelli, senza
pericoli, sereni.
Quando però entrò in azione il piano contro i paesi socialisti, in primo
luogo contro quelli dell’Est europeo, fu proprio nel nazionalismo che
debolmente ardeva nella Jugoslavia che gli ideologi e gli attuatori di
questo piano trovarono un alleato serio e leale. Il nazionalismo dormiente
all’improvviso si trasformò in fiamma. Cominciò a manifestarsi in maniera
aggressiva, come separatismo, come sciovinismo, come il male che infine
distrusse la Jugoslavia.
Sempre, in tutte le occasioni che ho avuto, ho indicato anche un terzo
fattore. Nella disintegrazione della precedente Jugoslavia è stato molto
rilevante il ruolo svolto dagli emigranti politici provenienti da tutti i
popoli della precedente Jugoslavia. All’inizio degli anni Novanta, quando
si resero conto che la Repubblica Socialista Federativa di Jugoslavia era
in pericolo, si affrettarono subito a rafforzare il ruolo
dell’emigrazione. Tutto quello che possedevano - in termini materiali,
morali e politi ci - fu messo a disposizione dei nemici della Jugoslavia,
sia all’interno del paese che fuori di esso. Non ho mai in vita mia visto
un odio così appassionato come quello manifestato da questi emigranti nei
confronti del proprio paese d’origine, né tanta g ioia oscura mentre il
loro paese soffriva, moriva.
LIMES Cosa significava per lei prima e cosa significa oggi Tito, nel senso
storico e politico? In che senso l’attuale Jugoslavia è l’erede di quella
di Tito?
MARKOVIC Tito era alla guida di tutti i popoli jugoslavi nella loro
magnifica lotta eroica contro il fascismo, lotta che i popoli jugoslavi
hanno vinto suscitando l’ammirazione di tutto il mondo. Tito era a capo
del paese che dopo la seconda guerra mondia le con molta pazienza,
perseveranza e con grande successo si riprendeva dalle conseguenze di una
quasi inimmaginabile distruzione materiale. Tito era il garante della
salvaguardia della parità dei diritti nazionali tra i cinque popoli
jugoslavi e tra le n umerose minoranze nazionali. Non c’è mai stato, e per
molto tempo ancora non ci sarà un paese con tale parità di diritti
nazionali come quella esistente nella precedente Jugoslavia. Dopo la morte
di Tito, uno dei presidenti della Jugoslavia, l’albanese Fadilj Hoxha, è
appartenuto a una nazione di minoranza.
Tito era anche un uomo di Stato mondiale, che godeva di una grande
reputazione in tutto il mondo. Era egualmente apprezzato sia all’Est che
all’Ovest, sia da coloro che ne condividevano le opinioni che dai suoi
avversari. E soprattutto godeva di una grande stima tra i popoli poveri
dell’Asia, dell’Africa e dell’America Latina. Credo che questa grande
stima nei suoi confronti permanga a tutt’oggi. Ritengo che Tito sia
diventato un personaggio storico non solo del proprio popolo, ma anche a
livello mondiale . Molti suoi contemporanei si ricordano ancora dei suoi
funerali. Vi erano presenti tutti i capi di Stato del mondo. Come se
l’intero pianeta si fosse riunito per congedarsi da Tito.
No, l’attuale Jugoslavia non è l’erede di quella di Tito. L’attuale
Jugoslavia vuole soltanto salvaguardare l’idea jugoslava e la Jugoslavia
come Stato.
LIMES Cosa vuol dire per lei essere jugoslava? Esiste oggi un’identità
jugoslava anche fuori della Serbia e del Montenegro?
MARKOVIC Per me essere jugoslava vuol dire sentirmi appartenente alla
Jugoslavia che è la mia patria. Io mi considero jugoslava, pur essendo
serba, perché considero mia patria la Jugoslavia. Anche se non ci fosse
questa Jugoslavia in cui oggi mi trovo a v ivere, io mi sentirei comunque
jugoslava, perché sono nata in questo paese, vi ho vissuto per tutta la
mia vita, e l’ho amata più di qualsiasi altro paese al mondo. Le sembra
che una francese, tedesca o italiana, se per caso le dovesse essere
distrutto il suo paese, potrebbe improvvisamente cessare di esserlo? Forse
più tardi ciò potrà valere per qualche altra generazione di francesi,
tedeschi o italiani. Forse, un giorno, altre persone residenti nell’area
di una Jugoslavia ormai inesistente, potranno aver motivo per non sentirsi
più jugoslavi. Ma noi ora - io adesso - non lo possiamo fare. Suppongo che
l’identità jugoslava sia presente anche in altre part i della precedente
Jugoslavia. Solo che lì quest’identità non si può esprimere. Può darsi che
da quelle parti quest’identità non sia così espressa come in Serbia e nel
Montenegro, ma sono certa che anche lì permane comunque, forse in attesa
di altri tempi.
LIMES Pensa che la guerra in Bosnia sia stata inevitabile? Se non lo è
stata, che responsabilità hanno avuto i serbi di Bosnia e quelli di Serbia
per questo conflitto?
MARKOVIC La guerra in Bosnia non era inevitabile. La separazione tra i tre
popoli poteva avvenire anche in un altro modo, meno sanguinoso e meno
tragico.
Non capisco, veramente, perché mi chiede che responsabilità hanno avuto i
serbi per questa guerra. La guerra fu combattuta tra tre popoli - serbi,
musulmani e croati. Tutti i tre popoli sono ugualmente responsabili per
l’inizio della guerra, per la sua du rata e per le vittime che la guerra
ha provocato. Io, come le ho già detto prima, sono serba. Ma non ho mai
detto che i serbi di Bosnia non fossero responsabili della guerra in
Bosnia. Questo, suppongo, mi dà il diritto di dire anche un’altra verità:
i responsabili di quella guerra non sono solo i serbi. Una responsabilità
almeno analoga va attribuita anche ai musulmani e ai croati. Questa è
l’unica verità. Non ne dovete dubitare. Se no, rischiate di offendere le
vittime innocenti di questa guerra inutile, terribile ed insensata.
LIMES Ma non c’era un accordo tra Tudman e Milosevic per la spartizione
della Bosnia?
MARKOVIC No.
Espansione serba e montenegrina
LIMES Cosa pensa di Karadzic e degli attuali dirigenti della Republika
Srpska (Plavsic, Dodik)?(83)
MARKOVIC Nel 1991 io sono stata una dei pochi, solitari opponenti della
politica nazionalista condotta in Bosnia ed Erzegovina dai serbi, dai
musulmani o dai croati. Già nel 1992 scrissi che condannavo la politica
nazionalista sviluppata da Karadzic come leader dei serbi. Ritenevo fosse
mio dovere, essendo serba, esprimere la mia opinione su quello che era
negativo nel mio popolo, mentre quello che era negativo nel popolo
musulmano e croato avrebbe dovuto essere condannato da parte dei musulmani
e croati, che come me, erano di orientamento jugoslavo e di sinistra. La
mia posizione, dunque, l’avevo espressa pubblicamente già da tempo,
all’inizio della tragedia in Bosnia.
Oggi che è stata avviata una vera e propria caccia contro Karadzic, per di
più da parte di coloro che lo avevano sostenuto e adorato - gli stessi che
nel 1992 mi condannavano per aver espresso la mia posizione - non intendo
partecipare a questa caccia.
Per quanto riguarda Biljana Plavsic, già dall’inizio degli anni Novanta la
conosciamo tutti come più nazionalista di Karadzic. Oggi tutti sono assai
perplessi sulla sua svolta copernicana, quando dopo l’elezione (o alla
vigilia dell’elezione) a presidente della Republika Srpska, divenne
un’alleata della politica occidentale, tollerante nei confronti di tutti i
popoli dell’ex Bosnia ed Erzegovina, magnanima rispetto a tutte le mosse
della comunità internazionale e critica nei confronti di Radovan Karadzic.
Non so quando sia stata insincera, quand’era nazionalista, oppure quando è
diventata opponente dei nazionalisti. Probabilmente in entrambi i casi.
Del resto, nella Bosnia socialista lei era stata il decano di una facoltà.
Difficilmente lo avrebbe potuto essere se si fosse opposta a quella
società, come nel 1992 si vantava di aver fatto. Ha studiato a Zagabria.
Parla croato, non serbo, nemmeno la variante bosniaca della lingua serba (*).
Lei è una di quelle personalità polivalenti su cui non si può mai contare
in nessuna occasione, e soprattutto non in un’occasione importante.
Dodik non è nazionalista. Nelle attuali circostanze in Bosnia questo è
molto importante, cioè molto positivo.
LIMES C’è stato in Bosnia un genocidio? In caso affermativo, perché il
Tribunale dell’Aja non ha dato nessun risultato?
MARKOVIC In Bosnia c’era la guerra. Tre popoli hanno combattuto gli uni
contro gli altri. La guerra, come tutto il mondo sa, e soprattutto come sa
la popolazione della Bosnia, è stata atroce. Non so, veramente, quale
possa essere il ruolo di un tribunale internazionale in tutto questo. Se
esistono i criminali di guerra in Bosnia, devono essere giudicati dai loro
popoli.
Quando il Tribunale internazionale per i crimini di guerra dell’Aja avrà
condannato tutti i criminali di guerra attivi in tutto il mondo dal
momento della costituzione di questo Tribunale, allora vengano pure a
prendersi anche questi criminali di Bosnia.
In realtà questo Tribunale, come tutto quanto si definisce internazionale,
già da tempo non è affatto internazionale. Tutte le istituzioni
apparentemente internazionali sono state messe al servizio di un unico
interesse e rappresentano l’espressione di un ’unica volontà.
LIMES Perché i serbi hanno un’immagine così cattiva nei media americani e
in quelli occidentali in generale?
MARKOVIC Perché i serbi si sono rifiutati di sottomettersi a questa unica
volontà; perché hanno rifiutato di mettersi in funzione di questo
interesse unico. Perché hanno un forte senso di libertà, di indipendenza
statale, di dignità nazionale. La “cattiva immagine” del popolo serbo nei
media occidentali, e soprattutto nei media americani, è una rappresaglia
per questo modo di essere del popolo serbo. Tuttavia, a dire la verità,
questa “cattiva immagine” è dovuta anche all’assenza di qualsiasi
tentativo se rio da parte serba di renderla meno brutta, migliore. I
serbi, in modo ingenuo, troppo ingenuo, erano convinti che la verità
sarebbe venuta fuori da sola, che la giustizia avrebbe prevalso. Sono un
popolo irrazionale. Ma di popoli ce ne sono anche così. U n po’
utopistici, abbastanza romantici, irrazionali in modo quasi infantile.
LIMES Nel corso degli ultimi anni, le lobby croate e slovene e le loro
diaspore in Europa e in America si sono adoperate a difendere le posizioni
della Slovenia e della Croazia. Perché anche i serbi non si sono
comportati nella stessa maniera?
MARKOVIC Le ho già detto poco fa - perché erano convinti che la verità e
la giustizia avrebbero prevalso da sole. Perché credono che lassù nel
cielo vi è un Dio che alla fine proteggerà i buoni e gli innocenti. Ma
anche perché non hanno soldi. La Serbia, come sapete, è allo stremo. Per
anni è stata soggetta alle sanzioni. Inoltre, ha accolto un enorme numero
di profughi. Ha aiutato il proprio popolo durante la guerra in Bosnia, ma
anche dopo, in tempi di pace. Ora sta raccogliendo aiuti per gli albanesi
c he, dalle foreste dove si erano rifugiati fuggendo davanti ai terroristi
albanesi, stanno rientrando nelle proprie case saccheggiate da questi
stessi terroristi. Naturalmente, si raccolgono aiuti anche per i serbi le
cui case sono state bruciate dai terro risti e i loro beni portati via…
Dove li prende un popolo come questo i fondi per pagare i giornalisti a
New York e a Londra affinché scrivano che i serbi si comportano veramente
così come ho scritto io, che non sono stati loro a provocare la guerra in
Bosnia, come in realtà non sono sta ti, che non stuprano le donne
albanesi, come veramente non fanno, e che non perseguitano nessuna
minoranza, come in realtà non la perseguitano… Io questo lo capisco
perfettamente. È come se lei dovesse pagare qualcuno per scrivere che lei
è un italiano, u n giornalista e un uomo.
LIMES Perché la crisi nel Kosovo, annunciata da anni, è esplosa senza che
nessuno cercasse di prevenirla? Qual è la possibile soluzione per questa
crisi?
MARKOVIC La crisi nel Kosovo è iniziata nel momento in cui nella
cosiddetta comunità internazionale fu deciso che iniziasse. Gli albanesi
hanno ricevuto il segnale di avviare la guerra santa per la secessione
dalla Serbia. I serbi e gli albanesi convivono nel Kosovo da molti anni.
Periodi di tolleranza seguivano periodi di intolleranza. Così avviene in
tutte le comunità plurinazionali. E in ciascuna di esse vi è motivo per
credere che il prossimo secolo possa portare alla limitazione
dell’intolleranza e a ll’estensione della zona di tolleranza, di buona
volontà, di comprensione. Sarà così, credo, nel secolo venturo.
L’espansione dell’odio, dell’intolleranza e della violenza un anno e mezzo
prima dell’inizio di questo nuovo secolo non può essere altro che i l
risultato di spinte particolarmente perfide, di un male programmato,
motivato da un forte, molto egoistico e crudele interesse - nazionale,
sociale, politico, e il più delle volte, un interesse di gruppo.
La crisi si risolverebbe in tempi relativamente brevi e assai facilmente
se dall’area colpita dalla crisi se ne andassero via coloro che l’hanno
provocata, per i quali qui non c’è posto. Tutti gli estranei, soprattutto
quelli malintenzionati, intriganti e faccendieri tra politici,
diplomatici, apparenti operatori umanitari, innumerevoli negoziatori ed
osservatori, tutta questa gente vana che invece di occuparsi dei problemi
del proprio paese e della propria famiglia si occupa di quelli di un paese
e delle famiglie altrui.
LIMES Nella stampa jugoslava spesso si può leggere che il Kosovo è la
Gerusalemme serba”. Lei è d’accordo con questo?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Cosa pensa della divisione del Kosovo?
MARKOVIC L’attuale generazione di serbi, la mia generazione di serbi, non
può pensare alla divisione del Kosovo. La sua generazione di italiani
pensa forse alla divisione dell’Italia settentrionale?
Cosa ne penseranno i futuri serbi ed italiani, oggi nessuno lo sa dire.
Io, comunque, credo che le divisioni, i confini e gli Stati saranno
attuali ancora per un po’ di tempo, forse molto breve. Davanti a noi vi è
un mondo senza confini. Vivremo tutti su questo pianeta che sarà la nostra
patria.
LIMES Se lei fosse un’albanese e vivesse nel Kosovo, cosa farebbe?
MARKOVIC Ecco cosa farei. Se io, albanese, sentissi il Kosovo come la mia
terra, la terra ove trascorrere la mia vita, farei tutto il possibile per
trovare un linguaggio comune con i serbi del Kosovo, e con loro e con
tutti gli altri mi adopererei a costr uire un posto comune sotto il sole.
Se invece i miei sentimenti fossero di odio e di intolleranza nei
confronti dei serbi, se la Serbia e la Jugoslavia mi fossero estranee,
allora mi trasferirei in Albania, nel peggiore dei casi, o meglio a
Lugano. Lì ci sono molti albanesi. Però, in Svizzera non sono equiparati
nei diritti con gli svizzeri come lo sono con i serbi nel Kosovo. Questa
mancata parità di diritti rispetto agli svizzeri, tuttavia, non suscita
nessuna tensione, perché non si illudono che, malgr ado la loro numerosa
presenza, Lugano possa mai diventare una repubblica albanese, nonostante
che pure lì possano presto diventare una popolazione maggioritaria.
LIMES Quale è oggi il ruolo delle mafie nei Balcani?
MARKOVIC In tutti i paesi ex socialisti c’è stata una crescita della
criminalità. In questi paesi prima la criminalità era marginale. Tutti i
paesi socialisti erano posti dove si poteva vivere sicuri. Con il
cambiamento del sistema sociale si è avuta una grande espansione della
criminalità in quei paesi, insieme ad altre forme di distruzione della
società.
LIMES Ma nell’area balcanica ed ex jugoslava, in particolare, c’è una
compenetrazione fra mafie e nazionalismi?
MARKOVIC Io mi sono già segnalata come avversaria del nazionalismo. Credo
di aver detto tutto quello che di brutto si può dire dei nazionalismi.
Però è difficile trovare un legame fra criminalità e nazionalismi. Non
trovo, veramente, nessun punto in comun e tra questi due fenomeni, tra
questi due mali. Qui da noi una cosa del genere è fuori questione.
Anzi, penso che la criminalità non abbia nessun senso per le nazioni, i
confini e gli Stati. Ha piuttosto un effetto integrativo, è molto
internazionale. Questo naturalmente è ironico, perché dovrebbero essere i
valori positivi a collegare i popoli. Ma se parliamo della criminalità in
questo secolo, le cose stanno proprio così.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, il progetto di una “dorsale verde” che dovrebbe
collegare i musulmani della Bosnia con quelli del Sangiaccato, di Novi
Pazar, del Montenegro, del Kosovo e dell’Albania?
MARKOVIC Non saprei, veramente, se esiste proprio un progetto del genere.
Però, esiste una solidarietà musulmana in tutto il mondo. I musulmani
dell’Africa e dell’Asia sono popoli che hanno sofferto molto, per cui è
logico che vogliano uscire da questo st ato di povertà, di arretratezza e
di subordinazione rispetto ai popoli occidentali ed europei. Io penso che
debbano uscirvi non fondandosi sulla religione, ma attraverso lo sviluppo
materiale ed economico, attraverso l’instaurazione di legami con altri po
poli, altre culture ed altre esperienze.
Per quanto riguarda invece i musulmani dei Balcani, quelli ai quali lei fa
riferimento, per loro tutto quanto ho appena detto non vale. Loro, pur
essendo musulmani, non erano né più poveri né più arretrati rispetto agli
altri popoli con cui convivevano ne i Balcani. E soprattutto, non erano
subordinati agli altri popoli balcanici. La posizione dei musulmani nei
Balcani va risolta in base ai princìpi di una razionale, economica,
sociale, umana e moderna vita culturale con gli altri. Il rispetto e
l’attuazio ne di questi princìpi darà un impulso maggiore e più rapido
allo sviluppo di queste regioni musulmane di quanto lo possa dare la
medievale illusione di un’integrazione su basi religiose.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, un’“Internazionale ortodossa”, un rapporto
privilegiato che collega in particolare la Russia, la Grecia e la
Jugoslavia?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Come giudica la posizione americana nella crisi balcanica? E quella
dei paesi europei, in particolare di Germania, Francia e Italia?
MARKOVIC Alla grave crisi dei paesi balcanici hanno contribuito molto
anche gli Stati Uniti d’America e alcuni influenti paesi dell’Europa
occidentale. Io, naturalmente, non so quale sia stato il contributo
apportato da ciascuno di questi paesi europei. A lcuni di loro sono più
responsabili per il dramma balcanico, altri meno. Penso che il contributo
dell’Italia a questa triste vicenda sia stato modesto. Questo non lo dico
per cortesia, per il fatto d’avere lei come interlocutore.
LIMES Potrebbe definire i confini dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC I confini dei Balcani per me oggi restano quelli che mi sono
stati insegnati durante le lezioni di geografia quando frequentavo il
liceo. Tra l’Ungheria a nord e la Grecia a sud. Tra la Slovenia a ovest e
la Romania a est. A lei, quando frequenta va la scuola, hanno forse
insegnato diversamente?
LIMES Quale configurazione dovrebbe avere secondo lei l’area balcanica nel
futuro?
MARKOVIC Per quanto riguarda il futuro dei Balcani, io lo vedo come una
comunità dei popoli che vivono nei Balcani. In nessun’altra parte del
mondo, o almeno in nessun’altra parte d’Europa, esistono tanti popoli che
vivono insieme in una sola regione. In Ungheria ci sono molti rumeni, in
Romania molti bulgari, in Bulgaria i turchi, in Turchia i greci, in Grecia
gli albanesi, in Albania i montenegrini, nel Montenegro i serbi, in Serbia
i croati, in Croazia gli sloveni, in Slovenia i bosniaci.
Tra gli Stati balcanici ci saranno sempre - nel migliore dei casi -
tensioni, per non dire scontri. Per mille anni ancora, continueranno a
scontrarsi per un villaggio o un fiume, per una battaglia del passato o
per l’alfabeto. Ci vorrà ancora un secolo di chiarimenti e litigi su
questioni come chi tra loro sia stato il primo ad insediarsi nei Balcani,
chi il più coraggioso nel passato, chi abbia apportato il maggior
contributo alla cultura, chi goda della migliore reputazione nella
comunità internazionale , chi abbia la religione più antica, la
letteratura più famosa…
Queste tensioni e questi scontri potranno essere fermati soltanto da una
comunità dei popoli - da un’Unione, Confederazione o Stati Uniti dei
Balcani, una qualsiasi di queste forme, ma solo una comunità di questo
tipo potrà costituire il presupposto per l a pace e lo sviluppo di questa
parte del mondo.
Negli Stati Uniti dei Balcani tutti gli albanesi, tutti i serbi, tutti i
bulgari, tutti i croati eccetera potranno vivere in un solo Stato. Uso il
termine “Stati Uniti” perché vedo gli Stati Uniti d’America come un
esempio di successo nella convivenza. Le differenze fra coloro che hanno
costituito gli Usa erano molto più grandi di quelle che separano i popoli
balcanici. Se in America tedeschi, portoricani, irlandesi e giapponesi
possono vivere insieme, perché non potrebbero riuscirvi serbi, bulgari,
croat i, montenegrini e albanesi, popoli molto simili ormai da secoli?
LIMES Il territorio degli Stati Uniti era vergine, quello dei Balcani è
carico di storia…
MARKOVIC Non è detto che questo fosse un vantaggio per gli americani e sia
un punto debole per noi. Se certo il fatto che gli spazi nel Nuovo Mondo
fossero vuoti era un vantaggio, è anche vero che le differenze fra i
popoli che vi si insediarono erano eno rmi. Sotto il profilo religioso,
etnico e culturale le differenze erano molto spiccate, e poi si trattava
spesso di persone di struttura molto aggressiva. Ciò nonostante gli
americani sono riusciti a creare la base di uno Stato comune.
Per quanto riguarda noi balcanici, è vero che la nostra lunga storia può
essere un punto debole negli sforzi volti a creare uno Stato comune. Ma
può essere anche un vantaggio. Proprio perché la nostra lunga storia
comprende giorni difficili, guerre sangui nose. Una tale esperienza
storica può dare impulso alla ricerca della convivenza comune. Può
facilmente accadere che un giorno le persone più intelligenti che vivono
nei Balcani dicano: “Basta! Adesso bisogna cambiare!”.
Non deve credere che questa soluzione sia troppo radicale, irrealistica. A
volte mi si dice che sono un’utopista. E io non mi adopero troppo a
smentirlo. Tutte le utopie si sono finora, in sostanza, realizzate: nella
scienza, nella tecnologia, nella cultu ra, nella politica e nella vita
sociale. Naturalmente mi riferisco alle cosiddette utopie felici. Per
quanto attiene a quelle nere, finora non se ne è realizzata nessuna.
LIMES Fra quanto tempo avremo dunque gli Stati Uniti dei Balcani? Anni,
decenni, secoli?
MARKOVIC Io spero che si tratti di anni. La storia della fine di questo
secolo è piena di sorprese. Vi sono molti motivi razionali e morali che
fanno sperare che i popoli balcanici possano nel prossimo secolo vivere
sotto un cielo nuovo, più felice.
Jugoslavia 1945-1991
LIMES E quali saranno i confini degli Stati Uniti dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC Se si costituisse una comunità di tali popoli, questa si
troverebbe sul territorio oggi da loro abitato, la penisola balcanica.
Come le ho detto, per me i confini dei Balcani sono compresi tra Ungheria,
Romania, Grecia e Slovenia. Ma io spero che alla fine del prossimo secolo
non ci siano più né confini né Stati.
Oggi i separatisti e secessionisti sono all’offensiva. Tuttavia io penso
che sia una forma di resistenza medievale alla tendenza al cosmopolitismo,
al mondialismo che prevarrà. Il vecchio mondo sta resistendo al nuovo con
le sue ultime forze. La parte più scura della notte è quella che precede
l’alba.
Noi siamo alla vigilia della società universale. Sotto l’aspetto
tecnologico, scientifico, culturale, delle comunicazioni questo mondo è
già molto unito. L’idea del villaggio globale, del pianeta come patria di
tutti, è oggi un’idea reale, che deriva dal modo di vita moderno. Per me i
separatismi che stanno emergendo in questi anni - dal Kosovo alla Corsica
al Paese Basco al Québec - sono semplicemente assurdi, grotteschi. È il
canto del cigno di un mondo che sta morendo.
LIMES Secondo lei la politica di Belgrado è coerente con questa sua utopia?
MARKOVIC Il fatto che io stessa abbia usato il termine utopia non vuol
dire che lo debba usare anche lei. Tutto nello sviluppo economico,
politico e culturale del mondo contemporaneo ci indica che il mondialismo
non è una visione utopistica, ma una vision e scientifica del mondo.
Quanto alla politica di Belgrado, come quelle di Tokyo, di Washington o di
Londra, non è fondata sulla scienza. O almeno non in modo particolare, non
in modo sufficiente. Tuttavia, il grado attuale di sviluppo della scienza
in gen erale, e soprattutto delle scienze sociali, fa venir meno i motivi
per cui la politica era sinora costretta a fondarsi sulle improvvisazioni.
E incentiva la politica a utilizzare di più il metodo scientifico per
capire la società, le consente di pianifica re meglio lo sviluppo.
LIMES Quale sarebbe il rapporto fra Stati Uniti dei Balcani ed Europa?
MARKOVIC L’Europa, la cui parte più progressiva tende ad integrarsi in una
comunità associata, non potrà mai raggiungere questo obiettivo finché non
ci sarà anche un’integrazione della penisola balcanica. L’integrazione dei
Balcani è il presupposto non so lo per la pace e lo sviluppo dell’area
balcanica, ma anche la condizione per la pace e lo sviluppo in Europa.
L’Europa non potrà essere un continente pacifico, sviluppato e
progressivo, senza che lo siano tutte le sue parti, ivi compresa quella
alla quale l’Europa rinuncerebbe volentieri. Ma non si può. I Balcani
restano parte dell’Europa, sono Europa. Perciò l’Europa deve investire
nella pace e nello sviluppo di questa sua parte, per assicurare la pace e
lo sviluppo a se stessa. Non faccio appello all’um anesimo e alla
giustizia dell’Europa, ma conto sul suo egoismo e sulla sua ragione.
(a cura di Lucio Caracciolo)
---
Tutti i colori possono stare insieme tranne il nero
di Mira Markovic
(da "Notte e giorno - Diario", BMG Belgrado 1995;
in italiano su LIMES 3/1996)
Dal diario di una testimone d’eccezione del dramma jugoslavo, la moglie
del presidente serbo Milosevic. Un’invettiva contro Biljana Plavsic, la
dama di ferro’ di Pale, proiettata sul palcoscenico internazionale dopo
il ritiro formale di Karadzic.
Belgrado, 10 settembre 1993
Le dichiarazioni di Biljana Plavsic - che propone di espellere tutti i
musulmani dal territorio della Bosnia orientale e di concedere loro una
parte della ex Bosnia-Erzegovina, per non doversi trovare a contatto con
loro - sono nazismo puro e semplice. Ch i conosce il nazismo non può avere
dubbi in proposito; ma vedo che anche gente a cui le teorie del nazismo
non sono familiari e che sa poco della sua storia è stata turbata da
queste dichiarazioni, le quali non presagiscono niente di buono non solo
per i musulmani ma nemmeno per i serbi. In tutta la loro storia i serbi
non sono mai stati aggressori; hanno combattuto, al contrario, per
resistere alle aggressioni altrui. Hanno combattuto con molto valore, ma
anche con molto onore; e non sono mai stati incli ni alla vendetta.
Durante la seconda guerra mondiale i serbi sono stati i primi tra i popoli
jugoslavi, e tra i primi in Europa, a prendere posizione contro il
fascismo. Hanno combattuto contro il fascismo con tutta l’anima,
impegnandosi completamente e d ando alla lotta un contributo forse
maggiore di quello che immaginavano di poter dare.
La nazione serba ha lasciato la sua impronta sulla storia mondiale e sulla
civiltà mondiale del XX secolo, specie nella seconda metà, in virtù del
suo coraggio e della sua dirittura morale. Non si vuol dire con ciò che
noi non veniamo accusati, per lo più giustamente, di avere alcuni difetti;
ma nessuno ci ha mai negato i nostri pregi. Al contrario.
Per la prima volta l’immagine della nazione serba si è offuscata agli
occhi del mondo. Per la prima volta si parla e si scrive di noi come di
aggressori e criminali. Anche fra di noi, naturalmente, non sono mancate
le mele bacate, gente che ha fatto del m ale ad altri popoli e nazioni (e
ai suoi stessi connazionali e consanguinei); ma questa genia non è mai
stata prevalente, ed è stata controbilanciata dall’amore per la libertà e
dalle qualità umane coltivate dai serbi di tutte le generazioni, nel corso
de i secoli.
A mio parere non dovremmo turbarci troppo per la nuova e brutta immagine
del popolo serbo a cui negli ultimi anni è stata data tanta pubblicità.
Dobbiamo, invece, cercare di analizzare questa immagine.
In primo luogo, non è vero che tutti ci odiano. Non è vero che tutto il
mondo, e neanche la maggior parte, nutre avversione per il popolo serbo.
Ho l’impressione che nemmeno i tedeschi, da noi considerati come il nostro
nemico numero uno nel XX secolo, ab biano un atteggiamento negativo verso
l’insieme della nazione serba. In secondo luogo, dobbiamo cercare di
vedere in che misura siamo noi stessi responsabili di questa brutta
immagine. La cattiva fama acquistata dalla Serbia non è tutta colpa
nostra; ma c erto il biasimo ricade in parte su di noi.
E adesso, dopo i discorsi di Biljana Plavsic, direi perfino che noi siamo
da biasimare fortemente. Ci sono stati parecchi discorsi del genere, e
comportamenti conformi; e spesso non hanno suscitato nel pubblico serbo la
debita reazione. Oggi, 10 settembre , voglio parlare non delle
dichiarazioni nazistoidi di Biljana Plavsic, ma della tiepida reazione che
le ha accolte. Le parole crudeli della Plavsic non mi feriscono e non mi
preoccupano più di tanto. Nella nostra nazione serba persone del genere ci
sono sempre state, prima dei turchi ottomani e sotto i turchi ottomani,
prima dei fascisti, sotto i fascisti e dopo i fascisti... sempre. Ma mi
preoccupa la risposta debole, appena percettibile, a simili opinioni: che
data l’alta posizione politica della loro autrice possono avere e
probabilmente hanno avuto conseguenze pratiche. Le sue parole possono
stimolare determinate azioni, e forse l’hanno già fatto.
Il “mondo” ci ritiene colpevoli della pulizia etnica operata dai serbi
bosniaci a danno dei musulmani. Noi neghiamo ogni responsabilità. Perché,
allora, reagiamo in modo così apatico alle brutali dichiarazioni del
vicepresidente della Repubblica serba, il nuovo Stato serbo, invocanti una
pulizia etnica nella ex Bosnia-Erzegovina? Queste dichiarazioni naziste
avrebbero dovuto suscitare qui in Serbia un’ondata di proteste, da parte
della destra e della sinistra, del governo e dell’opposizione, da parte di
t utti. Invece le proteste sono state fiacche. Dai comunisti non si è
udita una sillaba; i socialisti si sono limitati a borbottare qualcosa in
un breve e anemico comunicato stampa del vicepresidente del partito;
qualche protesta è venuta dai democratici, m a tutte sono state sovrastate
da altre proteste che al momento ci toccano più da vicino e sono quindi
considerate più importanti.
Ho parlato con molta gente di questo episodio; e tutti all’unanimità hanno
convenuto sul carattere brutale, fascista e nazista di tali dichiarazioni.
Ho tuttavia l’impressione che molti sottovalutino il pericolo che qui da
noi si cada in preda al fascismo . Pensano che nel nostro paese una cosa
simile non potrebbe mai accadere, che i discorsi fascisti e nazisti non
vanno presi sul serio perché chi li fa non merita di essere preso sul
serio. Forse è vero che il fascismo non metterà mai radici in Serbia o tr
a i serbi nostri vicini. Eppure io personalmente ritengo che il minimo
sintomo di fascismo sia motivo di preoccupazione e meriti una risposta
vigorosa. Meglio reagire con troppa forza che in modo fiacco e incerto;
meglio troppo presto che troppo tardi.
A questo riguardo la storia recente dovrebbe servire di monito. Fino
all’ultimo momento, fino al trionfo elettorale di Hitler, le persone colte
e intelligenti lo presero sottogamba, considerandolo un buffone, un
predicatore di assurdità che non avrebbe ma i attecchito nella patria di
Goethe.
Temo, ogni giorno di più, che il popolo serbo confidi troppo nello spirito
espresso da Branko Radicevic in Kolo, poema umanistico sulla fratellanza
di tutte le nazioni slavo-meridionali, esaltante una vita in comune. Temo
che il popolo serbo sia troppo co nvinto e compiaciuto della propria
nobiltà d’animo per riconoscere che nel suo seno si annida la vipera
dell’odio per altre nazioni e di un potenziale fascismo.
Se la Serbia ha bisogno di una qualche coalizione, alleanza o fronte
comune, si tratta di una coalizione, alleanza o fronte comune per una
campagna contro la violenza e il pericolo fascista; una campagna che
dovrebbe indurre tutte le persone normali a uni re le proprie forze.
Davanti a un male di questa natura, anche le differenze tra i vari partiti
politici, che oggi eccitano tante controversie, impallidiscono e diventano
irrilevanti, e così ogni altra differenza: di educazione, origine, età e
professione , di religione e di nazionalità. Qualunque alleanza è
necessaria e morale tranne una. Tutti i colori possono stare insieme
tranne il nero.
Il tempo ci saprà dire, e non in un futuro remoto. I fatti mi daranno
ragione.
(traduzione di Riccardo Ricci)
---
(*) NOTA DEL CRJ
Questo parere della Markovic e' per noi incomprensibile.
La Plavsic non puo' usare la "lingua croata", perche' questa non esiste
(la lingua di tutte le popolazioni della Bosnia-Erzegovina e' il
serbocroato), a meno che non si voglia dire che la Plavsic usa il lessico
artificialmente reintrodotto in questi anni anni dal "MinCulPop" di
Tudjman, il che ci sembra inverosimile.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Sulla possibilita' che proiettili all'uranio impoverito fosse stati
preparati dai nazisti si vedano le precedenti puntate:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/205?&start=1
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/206?&start=1
---
From: Marco Saba
Subject: Uranio e nazisti (note)
To: Francesco Polcaro
Egregio Dr. Polcaro,
ho notato i suoi commenti sulla lettera che avevo
inviato (e che riassume un trattato di 400 pagine).
A me risulta quanto segue:
- che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio
fu messo a punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
- che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
siano stati dissegretati;
- che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
- che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
Gradirei capire se sono questi i punti con cui non
concorda.
Cordiali saluti,
Marco Saba
Osservatorio Etico Ambientale
via F.lli Cervi Res. Idra
20090 Segrate (MI) Italy
Tel (Italy+) 2 21591373
GSM (Italy+) 338 5838282
---
Caro Marco, rispondo alle tue diverse domande, fermo restando quello che
ritengo il punto fondamentale, cioe' che se i nazisti avessero avuto sia
il materiale fissile che il sistema d'innesco, dato che avevano
a disposizione i vettori, avrebbero sicuramente bombardato
qualche capitale europea (Londra, Parigi, ecc.) a meno naturalmente di
non
supporre che avessero remore di carattere morale, cosa della quale mi
permetto fortemente di dubitare:
Dunque:
> - che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio > fu messo a
punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
> basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
> detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
dipende ovviamente da cosa si intende per mettere a punto: Alvarez
ebbe
l'idea della suddivisione della massa critica, ma l'elettronica che
gestisce il detonatore si basa sulle "anticoincidenze alla Rossi", ed
e'
la parte elettronica, non quella meccanica, la piu' difficile da
realizzare (a quell'epoca; ora non piu' ma ora ci sono i circuiti
integrati e mezzo secolo di studi).
> - che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
> siano stati dissegretati;
Tutti i documenti relativi al progetto Manahattan noti sono stati
declassificati, o almeno cosi' era riportato nel numero del "Bulletin of
the Atomic Scientist" dedicato al cinquantenario della bomba;
naturalmente, se qualche documento non fosse mai stato inserito nella
classificazione, non sarebbe neanche stato declassificato, pero' non
credo
che si possa neanche dimostrare che sia mai esistito.
> - che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
> non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
Sono diversi nei dettagli costruttivi, ma la logica e' ovviamente la
stessa
> - che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
> solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
E' vero: infatti, uno dei grossi problemi del progetto Manahattan fu
proprio la tempistica. Ma proprio il fatto che fu consegnato a quella
data
mi sembra dimostrare che fu arricchito proprio nell'impianto che e'
stato
dichiarato, del quale e' noto sia il metodo di arricchimento che la
potenzialita' produttiva che le quantita' prodotte nei diversi mesi del
'45.
Suggerisco inoltre di leggere, sempre sul numero in questione del
"Bulletin", le registrazioni, ottenute segretamente con
quelle che ora si definirebbero intercettazioni ambientali dal Servizio
Segreto inglese, delle conversazioni dei maggiori scienziati atomici
tedeschi (incluso Heisenberg) radunati in una villa vicino Londra
trasformata in campo di prigionia speciale, quando furono dati loro i
giornali che riportavano la notizia delle esplosioni di Hiroshima e
Nagasaki: e' chiarissimo che non avevano idea di come gli americani
avessero potuto fare. E' per altro ben noto che Hitler in persona aveva
fatto ridurre al minimo le ricerche in campo nucleare, perche', non
potendo prescindere dalle teorie relativistiche, erano considerate
troppo
legate alla "scienza giudea" alla quale si doveva contrapporre una
"scienza ariana".
In definitiva, non si puo' dare ai nazi la colpa della bomba atomica
(tanto, direi che ne hanno gia' abbastanza per essere maledetti per i
prossimi miliardi di anni): gli americani hanno fatto tutto da soli,
naturalmente con l'aiuto di quegli scienziati europei che i nazifascisti
avevano costretto alla fuga dai loro paesi. Ed e' anche noto che molti
di
questi scienziati, quando si resero conto che ormai il bersaglio non era
piu' la Germania nazista, tentarono di fermare il progetto, anche se
senza
risultati perche' c'era una componente notevolissima del mondo
scientifico
alla quale stava molto bene sviluppare la bomba in funzione anti-URSS
Cordialmente
Francesco
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
preparati dai nazisti si vedano le precedenti puntate:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/205?&start=1
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/206?&start=1
---
From: Marco Saba
Subject: Uranio e nazisti (note)
To: Francesco Polcaro
Egregio Dr. Polcaro,
ho notato i suoi commenti sulla lettera che avevo
inviato (e che riassume un trattato di 400 pagine).
A me risulta quanto segue:
- che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio
fu messo a punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
- che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
siano stati dissegretati;
- che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
- che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
Gradirei capire se sono questi i punti con cui non
concorda.
Cordiali saluti,
Marco Saba
Osservatorio Etico Ambientale
via F.lli Cervi Res. Idra
20090 Segrate (MI) Italy
Tel (Italy+) 2 21591373
GSM (Italy+) 338 5838282
---
Caro Marco, rispondo alle tue diverse domande, fermo restando quello che
ritengo il punto fondamentale, cioe' che se i nazisti avessero avuto sia
il materiale fissile che il sistema d'innesco, dato che avevano
a disposizione i vettori, avrebbero sicuramente bombardato
qualche capitale europea (Londra, Parigi, ecc.) a meno naturalmente di
non
supporre che avessero remore di carattere morale, cosa della quale mi
permetto fortemente di dubitare:
Dunque:
> - che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio > fu messo a
punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
> basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
> detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
dipende ovviamente da cosa si intende per mettere a punto: Alvarez
ebbe
l'idea della suddivisione della massa critica, ma l'elettronica che
gestisce il detonatore si basa sulle "anticoincidenze alla Rossi", ed
e'
la parte elettronica, non quella meccanica, la piu' difficile da
realizzare (a quell'epoca; ora non piu' ma ora ci sono i circuiti
integrati e mezzo secolo di studi).
> - che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
> siano stati dissegretati;
Tutti i documenti relativi al progetto Manahattan noti sono stati
declassificati, o almeno cosi' era riportato nel numero del "Bulletin of
the Atomic Scientist" dedicato al cinquantenario della bomba;
naturalmente, se qualche documento non fosse mai stato inserito nella
classificazione, non sarebbe neanche stato declassificato, pero' non
credo
che si possa neanche dimostrare che sia mai esistito.
> - che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
> non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
Sono diversi nei dettagli costruttivi, ma la logica e' ovviamente la
stessa
> - che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
> solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
E' vero: infatti, uno dei grossi problemi del progetto Manahattan fu
proprio la tempistica. Ma proprio il fatto che fu consegnato a quella
data
mi sembra dimostrare che fu arricchito proprio nell'impianto che e'
stato
dichiarato, del quale e' noto sia il metodo di arricchimento che la
potenzialita' produttiva che le quantita' prodotte nei diversi mesi del
'45.
Suggerisco inoltre di leggere, sempre sul numero in questione del
"Bulletin", le registrazioni, ottenute segretamente con
quelle che ora si definirebbero intercettazioni ambientali dal Servizio
Segreto inglese, delle conversazioni dei maggiori scienziati atomici
tedeschi (incluso Heisenberg) radunati in una villa vicino Londra
trasformata in campo di prigionia speciale, quando furono dati loro i
giornali che riportavano la notizia delle esplosioni di Hiroshima e
Nagasaki: e' chiarissimo che non avevano idea di come gli americani
avessero potuto fare. E' per altro ben noto che Hitler in persona aveva
fatto ridurre al minimo le ricerche in campo nucleare, perche', non
potendo prescindere dalle teorie relativistiche, erano considerate
troppo
legate alla "scienza giudea" alla quale si doveva contrapporre una
"scienza ariana".
In definitiva, non si puo' dare ai nazi la colpa della bomba atomica
(tanto, direi che ne hanno gia' abbastanza per essere maledetti per i
prossimi miliardi di anni): gli americani hanno fatto tutto da soli,
naturalmente con l'aiuto di quegli scienziati europei che i nazifascisti
avevano costretto alla fuga dai loro paesi. Ed e' anche noto che molti
di
questi scienziati, quando si resero conto che ormai il bersaglio non era
piu' la Germania nazista, tentarono di fermare il progetto, anche se
senza
risultati perche' c'era una componente notevolissima del mondo
scientifico
alla quale stava molto bene sviluppare la bomba in funzione anti-URSS
Cordialmente
Francesco
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
BILANCIO DI 11 MESI DI OCCUPAZIONE U.C.K.F.O.R. IN KOSOVO-METOHIJA:
- 4792 ATTACCHI TERRORISTICI
- 1010 MORTI AMMAZZATI (DI CUI 888 SERBI O MONTENEGRINI)
- 936 SCOMPARSI
- 924 FERITI
- 350MILA PROFUGHI
- 200 ARRESTI ARBITRARI
- 86 CHIESE E MONUMENTI VANDALIZZATI
- 250MILA ENTRATE ILLEGALI
- 364 SCONFINAMENTI DELLA KFOR NELLA FASCIA DI SICUREZZA
*** L'IMPORTANTE E' NON PARLARNE IN TV ***
---
Fonte: Yugoslav Daily Survey 15-16/5/2000
http://www1.mfa.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.smip.sv.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.mfa.gov.yu/
> SERBIAN PROVINCE OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
>
> THOUSANDS SUPPORT DEMANDS OF IMPRISONED SERBS IN KOSOVSKA
>MITROVICA
>
> KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, May 15 (Tanjug) - More than 7,000 Serbs
from
>Kosovska Mitrovica, Zvecane, Zubin Potok and Leposavic gathered again on
>Monday outside the district prison in Kosovska Mitrovica in sign of support
to
>the Serbs and Roma who have been imprisoned for 11 months, demanding that
they
>be be released on bail and that dates finally be set for the trials.
>
> Stressing that the head of the civilian mission in
Kosovo-Metohija
>Bernard Kouchner did not obtain under Security Council Resolution 1244 the
>mandate to annihilate and dislocate Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija and to
>organize a travesty of justice, member of the Yugoslav committee for
>cooperation with UNMIK and Serbian Deputy Justice Minister Zoran Balinovac
>said that the civilian mission in Kosovo-Metohija was systematically
violating
>that resolution, because, he added not a single Albanian has been arrested
on
>charges of war genocide.
>
> YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT SUBMITS OVERVIEW ON KOSOVO-METOHIJA
TERRORISM
>
> BELGRADE, May 15 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav Government has
submitted
>to the president of the U.N. Security Council and the U.N. Secretary
General
>an annex to its Saturday's Memorandum on the need for a strict and
consistent
>implementation of U.N. Resolution 1244.
>
> The Annex gives an overview of terrorist attacks and other
crimes
>committed in Kosovo-Metohija since the international mission was deployed
to
>that U.N.-administered province of the Yugoslav republic of Serbia in June
>1999.
>
> The full text of the Overview follows (official translation):
>
> O V E R V I E W
>
> of terrorist and other acts of violence and of certain
violations
>of Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) of 10 June 1999 in Kosovo and
>Metohija, the autonomous province of the Yugoslav constituent Republic of
>Serbia, since the arrival of KFOR and UNMIK, in the period from 10 June
1999
>to 7 May 2000
>
> (1) Number of terrorist attacks: 4,792
>
> 4,511 committed against Serbs and Montenegrins, 109 against
>Albanians and 172 against Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (2) Number of killed persons: 1,010
>
> 888 Serbs and Montenegrins, 75 Albanians and 47 members of
other
>ethnic communities in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
> (3) Number of abducted and missing persons: 936
>
> 860 Serbs and Montenegrins, 42 Albanians and 34 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> The fate of 786 persons is still unknown; 95 abducted persons
were
>killed, 7 persons escaped, while 48 were released.
>
> (4) Number of wounded persons: 924
>
> 867 Serbs and Montenegrins, 20 Albanians and 37 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (5) Ethnic cleansing: In the campaign of ethnic cleansing
>following the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK, two-thirds of the non-Albanian
>population, i.e. over 350,000 Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims, Goranci,
>Turks and other non-Albanians have been expelled from Kosovo and Metohija,
of
>whom 270,000 are Serbs.
>
> The following towns and villages have been ethnically cleansed
of
>Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians:
>
> a.. Pristina (all Serbs have been driven out of its largest
>suburbs of Ulpijana, Suncani Breg, Dardanija, Univerzitetsko Naselje. Of
the
>40,000 Serbs who used to live in Pristina before KFOR and UNMIK came to
Kosovo
>and Metohija, 25,000 were school and university students. Today, only 35
>Serbian schoolchildren live in Pristina and attend classes in the local
school
>in the village of Laplje;
> b.. Prizren (only 100 Serbian families remain);
> c.. Gnjilane, the situation in this town was alarming in
March
>and April (in this period alone 350 houses of Serbs were sold). The number
of
>remaining Serbs has been halved and today only about 1,500 Serbs remain.
KFOR
>and UNMIK have warned them not to leave their homes.
> d.. Djakovica, Pec, Podujevo, Glogovac, as well as the
areas
>of Kosovska Mitrovica (Vucitrn, Srbica), Lipljan, Kosovo Polje, from which
80
>per cent of their Serbian residents have been expelled, i.e. 7,000 Serbs
and
>4,000 other non-Albanians (their homes have been burned and looted, while
>shops, cafes and other property are being seized from their owners. In the
>presence of KFOR, ethnic Albanian terrorists brutalize and harass the Serbs
>who refuse to sell their homes and leave Kosovo and Metohija);
> e.. the whole area of the municipalities of Istok and Klina
>including the villages of Dzakovo, Osojane, Tucepom, Kos, Zac, Belica,
>Krnjine, Maticane, Kacanik, Stimlje, Kmetovacka Vrbica and others, where
3,440
>Serbian homes were burned down;
> f.. the surroundings of Urosevac, Slivovo, Nedakovac,
>Nevoljane, Vrpica, Ljestar, Zegra (municipality of Gnjilane), Zitnje,
>Pozaranje, Grmovo, Drobes; in the village of Talinovac the two last Serbian
>houses whose owners had been forced to move out were burnt down at the
>beginning of April;
> g.. the surroundings of Vitina (Kabas, Binac and other
>villages), the areas of Kosovska Kamenica (villages of Bratilovce, Firiceja
>and others) and Kosovsko Pomoravlje, as well as the villages of Toplicane,
>Rujice, Magure, Slovinja, Staro Gracko, Klobukar in the municipality of
Novo
>Brdo. (All Serbian houses have been burned down and all its owners forced
to
>leave.)
>
>
> Members of the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
>exert great pressure on ethnic Goranci, the indigenous residents of the
region
>of Gora, who are not allowed to use their maternal Serbian language in
schools
>and in everyday life, in an attempt to misrepresent this ethnic group as
>Albanians.
>
> Expulsion of the members of the Muslim ethnic community,
loyal
>citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia, has intensified particularly in the area
of
>the municipality of Istok.
>
> In the area of Prizren and Djakovica about 65,000 Kosovo
>Albanian Catholics live in a difficult situation and under great pressure
from
>Albanian terrorists who accuse them of "collaboration with Serbs".
>
> Albanian separatists continue their deliberate actions,
aimed
>at preventing the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija. They raze Serbian
>houses in a pre-planned and synchronized manner. The most drastic example
has
>been the looting and bulldozing of over 250 Serbian houses in the village
of
>Bijelo Polje. The area of this village was turned into a garbage dump.
Serbian
>houses in the villages of Brezanik and Osojane have also been bulldozed.
>Fourteen Serbian villages in the municipality of Vitina do not exist any
more
>because all the houses have been destroyed. At the end of April, Albanian
>terrorists announced that they will carry out similar organized actions of
>looting and destroying Serbian houses in the villages near Istok and Novo
>Brdo.
>
> (6) The latest brutal crimes:
>
> shelling of the Serbian village of Gorazdevac (10 March, 25
>March, 22 April 2000); killing of Gashi Sheqeri in his house in the village
of
>Rogovo, municipality of Djakovica, and a Roma boy whose identity has not
been
>established. This murder was committed by the members of the so-called
Kosovo
>Protection Corps Bajram Gashi and Hallim Shala (30 March); bomb attack on
the
>apartment of Franjo Milic, a Croat, in Obilic (3 April 2000); cruel murder
of
>87-year Metodije Haljausku, a Czech, in Pristina, who was shot in the back
of
>the head (3 April 2000); mortar attack on a group of Serbs who played
football
>in a field in the village of Cernice in which two persons were injured (5
>April 2000); attack of eight terrorists on Stojan Petronijevic in the
>courtyard of his family house in the village of Babin Most, municipality of
>Obilic (5 April 2000); killing of Dobrivoje Jovanovic in Gnjilane (9 April
>2000); mining of the Orthodox Church of Our Lady in Zociste for the third
time
>(18 April 2000); mortar attack on an apartment building housing Serbs and
>Turks in downtown Pristina in which two persons were wounded (18 April
2000);
>killing of Srdjan Markovic from the village of Badovac, who was killed by
>terrorists in his car on his way to visit his friends (21 April 2000);
murder
>of Stojanka Stojanovic (65) in Gnjilane, in mid-April, whose body was found
on
>26 April 2000; terrorist attack on a bus in Kosovska Mitrovica ferrying
Serbs
>to church (28 April 2000); vandal desecration of Serbian cemeteries and
>tombstones in the village of Glavotina, municipality of Vucitrn (26 April
>2000), and in the village of Klobukar, municipality Novo Brdo (30 April
2000);
>dynamiting the Orthodox church of St. Nicholas from 16th century in the
>village of Grncar, municipality of Vitina (28 April 2000); brutal murder of
>Milorad Peric (50) from the village of Pasjane who was working in the
fields
>(29 April 2000); terrorist bomb attack on a group of residents of the
village
>of Crkvena Vodica, municipality of Obilic, in which several children were
>wounded (2 May 2000); bomb attack on the house belonging to Hadzija Agusi
>(74), a Roma, who died from the wounds sustained in the attack (29 April
>2000); killing of Zivko Stolic (67) in Kosovska Vitina, who was brutally
>tortured by terrorists and later killed (6 May 2000); attack on a Serbian
>family in Kosovska Vitina in the courtyard of their house on which occasion
>two adults and two children were wounded.
>
> (7) New forms of terror against Serbs and other
non-Albanians:
>
> In its security actions against Serbian and other
>non-Albanians, KFOR is increasingly demonstrating force and resorting to
>harassment and physical violence and causing damage to Serbian property.
>Drastic incidents occurred in Kosovska Mitrovica (on 20-25 February), in
the
>villages of Mogila (on 25-26 February), in which Serbian houses were
searched
>by in a most brutal way, Draganovac (municipality of Gnjilane) and Miolice
>(Municipality of Leposavic), Mali Zvecan (27 February), Gornje Kusce (1
March)
>and the Serbian villages of Rudare and Grabovac (1 March). The searches
were
>conducted by KFOR jointly with the terrorists of the so-called KLA, who
wore
>international security forces uniforms, in an open display of the existence
of
>co-ordination between KFOR and Albanian terrorists. In April violence
against
>Serbs in the so-called security actions of KFOR has assumed dramatic
>proportions. The most drastic examples were the incidents which took place
in
>the village of Dobrotin on 2 April, in the village of Sevce on 4 April and
in
>the villages of Lepina and Jazine, when KFOR members released dogs on the
>Serbs who had gathered to protest the difficult situation and when a large
>number of people were seriously injured. Several persons were also injured
in
>a brutal action of KFOR against Serbian demonstrators in Gracanica on 7
April
>2000.
>
> (8) Latest terrorist attacks on Serbian convoys:
>
> Attacks on a Serbian convoys headed for Strpce, near the
>village of Radivojce (on 22 and 29 February); attack on a Serbian convoy en
>route to Koretiste, in the village of Dobricane (28 February); attack on a
bus
>ferrying Serbian children home from school on the road between Gornje Kusce
>and Koretiste (29 February); Lieutenant Peter Ramstell (KFOR, Kosovska
>Mitrovica area) banned all KFOR security escorts for buses transporting
>Serbian schoolchildren and sick persons to Gracanica (1 March); attacks
>against Serbian convoys in the village of Koretin (6 and 20 March);
repeated
>attacks against Serbian convoys in Gnjilane (7, 10 and 31 March); an attack
on
>a Serbian convoy in the village of Dobrovce (27 March); attack on a Serbian
>convoy on the road between Bujanovac and Gracanica (11 April 2000); attack
on
>a convoy from Strpce in the village of Pozaranje, municipality of Vitina
(18
>April 2000).
>
> KFOR has not prevented these terrorist attacks. Also, it
has
>refused to provide security escorts to convoys between Merdare and Kosovo
>Polje. In addition to daily terror against them, this is added pressure on
>Serbs to leave Kosovo Polje.
>
> (9) Number of arbitrarily arrested persons by KFOR and
UNMIK:
>200
>
> Arrested Serbs are detained in prisons in Pristina,
Prizren,
>Sojevo near Urosevac, Kosovska Mitrovica, Gnjilane, Lipljan and Klokot
Banja.
>They have been arrested without any explanation or charges, only on the
ground
>of information provided by the Albanians, most frequently by the members of
>the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army. 43 Serbs arbitrarily
arrested
>without legal grounds by KFOR and UNMIK have been detained in a prison in
>Kosovska Mitrovica for almost ten months. In this period no investigation
or
>any court proceedings have been instituted. On 10 April 2000, 37 detained
>Serbs and 5 Roma went on a hunger strike. The immediate cause was the
release
>of Gjelal Ademi, an ethnic Albanian, against whom an investigation had been
>instituted because of a hand grenade attack in which 22 Serbs and 14 French
>soldiers of KFOR were injured. Doctors from the School of Medicine of the
>University of Pristina found out at the last examination (6 May 2000) that
>their health condition was rapidly deteriorating and that eleven of them
were
>in critical conditions. On 7 May 2000, Arsenije Vitosevic, suffering from a
>chronic heart condition, was admitted to the City hospital. Due to
exhaustion,
>high blood pressure and heart condition he has been placed in an intensive
>care unit. He was given infusion and is in a difficult psychological
condition
>(two years ago KLA terrorists abducted his son and he has not heard from
him
>since). The doctors who examined the strikers requested that 10 detainees
be
>sent to hospital due to exhaustion and deteriorating health condition. They
>called on the competent judicial and police UNMIK authorities to release
the
>strikers without delay so that they could given proper medical treatment
and
>that their condition stabilized.
>
> (10) Prisons and labour camps run by the terrorist
so-called
>Kosovo Liberation Army:
>
> The abducted Serbian civilians, detained by the terrorist
>so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, are kept in the labour camps located in
the
>village of Maticane and in the wider area of Prizren ("Ortokal" estate, a
>building situated on the road to Djakovica) and in Drenica. 472 abducted
Serbs
>are kept in the camps.
>
> KLA prisons for Serbs, Montenegrin and members of other
ethnic
>communities who are not supportive of Albanian terrorists are situated also
>around the village of Brod, municipality of Dragas, and along the Djakovica
>road towards the village of Junik, municipality of Decani, as well as in
the
>villages of Glodjane, Izbica and Strovce in the Kosovska Mitrovica
district;
>and in the premises of Railroad Transport Co. in Urosevac.
>
> (11) Situation in Kosovska Mitrovica:
>
> Since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in Kosovo and
Metohija,
>the security situation has been very serious, particularly in and around
>Kosovska Mitrovica. Some of the most salient types and instances of
atrocities
>have been:
>
> h.. looting and the destruction of 2,365 homes belonging to
>Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians (1,200 in Kosovska Mitrovica;
>1,060 in Vucitrn; and 105 in Srbica);
> i.. eviction of 700 Serbian families from their apartments
>(500 southern Kosovska Mitrovica; 150 in Vucitrn; and 50 in Srbica);
> j.. looting and the destruction of the property of the
>following companies:
> 1. In Kosovska Mitrovica: Socially-owned companies
>"Kosovo-Sirovina", "Betonjerka", "Lux", "AMD", "Kosmet-Prevoz",
>"Trans-Kosovo", Duvanska, Minel, Zemljoradnicka zadruga (cooperative),
>Hortikultura, Mitrovcanka, DES, "Ibar-Rozaje" warehouse, water utility
company
>"Vodovod", printing company "Progres", electric power generation company
>"Elektro-Kosovo", PTT and a large number of bars and cafes owned by
>non-Albanians.
>
> 2. In Vucitrn: Socially-owned companies "Sartid",
>"Vucitrn-Prevoz", "Ratar", Farm Cooperative, paints and coatings factory
>"Ekstra", construction company "Kosovo", utilities company "Sitnica",
private
>company "Cicavica", employment bureau, local community centre, Town Hall of
>Vucitrn, Construction Land Fund, local department store, Auditing Office
>building, Jugobanka, primary and secondary schools, Jugopetrol, Beopetrol,
>electric power generationcompany "Elektro-Kosovo", PTT.
>
> 3. In Srbica: Hunting munitions factory, plastics factory,
>socially-owned company "Buducnost", Farm Cooperative, public utilities
>company, "Dijamant-produkt" Co., local community centre, local
self-managing
>community of interest, "Zitopromet" Co. and its silos.
>
> (12) Recent killings and terrorizing of Albanians loyal to
the
>FR of Yugoslavia:
>
> The terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has stepped
up
>the execution of Albanians who do support their policy and goals,
particularly
>in the areas of Pristina, Podujevo and Pec. The most drastic examples are:
the
>murder of Hejdi Sejdiu, a member of the Provincial Committee of the Serbian
>Socialist Party, in his home town of Urosevac in front of his wife and
three
>children (on 10 February), the killing of Danush Januzi in Vitina (on 10
>February); the massacre of Tahir Bekim, abducted and later killed by the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (parts of his mutilated
>body were found on 24 February).
>
> The terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
burnt
>down the house of Sellim Broshi, former head of the Provincial Ministry of
the
>Interior, in the village of Odanovce, municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, on
20
>March 2000. They are also looking for Sinan Rexhepi, former employee of the
>Provincial Ministry of the Interior. They threaten Sadik Hajrulah from
Vitina,
>Ramadan Sermaxhi, employee of the Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane,
Minir
>Krasniqi from Kosovska Kamenica, as well as other former or present ethnic
>Albanian members of the Provincial Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane.
>
> In mid-March, terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation
>Army abducted Noa and Nua Kajtazi, catholic Albanians, in the village of
Zjum
>accusing them that they are loyal citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia. They
>requested a ransom from their family in the amount of DM 40,000. They also
>searched their houses, looted it and beat the members of their family.
>
> In addition to Serbs, the terrorist so-called Kosovo
>Liberation Army also rounds up Albanians, loyal to the State of the FR of
>Yugoslavia, and detain them in their prison camps (around the village of
Brod,
>municipality of Dragas).
>
> (13) Destruction of churches, monasteries and cultural
>monuments:
>
> 86 churches, monasteries and other cultural monuments were
>burned down, demolished or seriously damaged, among them the Church of the
>Entrance of Our Lady into the Temple at Dolac, monastery of St. Mark at
Korisa
>from 1467, monastery of Prophets Kosmo and Damien in Zociste from 14th
>century, the church in Kijevo from the 14th century, the Holy Trinity
>monastery from the 14th century near Musutiste, monastery Devic built in
1440,
>Church of St. Paraskeva in Drenik from the 16th century, Church of St.
>Demetrius near Pec, the Orthodox church at Grmovo near Vitina, Church of
St.
>Elijah at Zegra near Gnjilane, church of Holy Mother in Musutiste from
1315,
>Church of St. Elijah at Bistrazin, Church of Apostles Peter and Paul in
Suva
>Reka, monastery of St. Uros in Nerodimlje, monastery of St. Archangel
Gabriel
>from the 14th century in Binac, Church of St. Mary from the 16th century in
>Belo Polje, Church of St. John the Baptist in Pecka Banja, churches in the
>villages of Naklo, Vucitrn, Petrovac, Urosevac, Podgorce, Djurakovac,
Krusevo,
>Osojane, Samodreza, Dresna near Klina, Rekovac, Petric, monastery Binac
near
>Vitina, Holy Trinity Cathedral in Djakovica, St. Nicholas' Church in
Gnjilane.
>
>
> Monks and other clergy are being terrorized and persecuted.
>More than 150 parish residences were destroyed or damaged. Over 10,000
icons
>and other sacral objects, most of which are part of cultural treasures
under
>the special protection of the State, were stolen or destroyed. Medieval
>frescoes were destroyed in 70 per cent of Orthodox churches and
monasteries.
>
> Assaults on members of the Catholic religious community by
the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army have intensified in
Prizren
>and Pec, particularly assaults on clergymen (The homes of two Franciscan
>priests were burned down.).
>
> The following cultural monuments were damaged or
demolished:
>
> - statues of the greatest lexicographer of the Serbian
>language Vuk Karadzic and the great Montenegrin poet Petar Petrovic Njegos
in
>downtown Pristina;
>
> - memorials to King Uros in Urosevac and King Dusan in
>Prizren;
>
> - memorial to Prince Lazar in Gnjilane and the memorial to
>Serbian rulers from the Nemanjic dynasty in the village of Gornje
Nerodimlje;
>
> - memorial to Milos Obilic, the symbol of the town of
Obilic.
>KFOR removed the damaged statue to the compounds of the thermal electric
power
>plant "Kosovo B".
>
> - about 400 000 books vanished in the fire set to the
Pristina
>Library.
>
> Many of the destroyed monuments are outstanding examples of
>the Serbian cultural heritage and are on the list of the monuments of
>exceptional cultural value under the protection of UNESCO.
>
> (14) Forced and illegal taking over of public institutions:
>
> - Forcible and illegal takeovers of premises and buildings
of
>post offices, banks, medical institutions, water and power supply systems,
>university, elementary and secondary schools, municipal and other local
>government buildings, local communes, buildings of the Ministry of the
>Interior and the Army of Yugoslavia, factories, enterprises, cooperatives,
>etc. in Pristina (premises of the Clinical Centre "Pristina" and the health
>station whose equipment has been stolen and taken by doctors in private
>practice, Federal Customs Administration, Public Housing Company, Institute
>for Urban Planning, water supply company "Vodovod", thermal electric power
>plant "Kosovo B", depots and petrol stations of "Jugopetrol", the
shareholding
>companies "Kosmet-Pristina", "Kosovo-Trans", "Energoinvest",
"Autopristina",
>car shock absorbers factory, "Jugotrans", etc.) as well as in Prizren,
Dragas,
>Podujevo, Lipljan, Strpci, Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo Polje (with the
>assistance of KFOR), Djakovica (with the assistance of KFOR).
>
> - By forced and illegal taking over of public enterprises
and
>institutions tens of thousands employed Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims,
>Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians were sacked and left with no means
to
>support themselves.
>
> - More than 190 major companies were forcibly and illegally
>seized, whose equipment was looted and most often taken to Albania.
>
> (15) Armed artillery attacks on villages:
>
> Slovinj, Maticane, Orahovac, Konjuh, Berivojce, Gornja
>Brnjica, the villages around Kosovska Kamenica: Grncar, Magila, Ajvalija,
all
>the villages of the Istok-Klina region, Gorazdevac near Pec, Svinjare,
Klokot,
>Novo Brdo, Zjum, Donja and Gornja Gusterica, Susica, Badavac, Bresje,
Vrbovac,
>Vitina, Cernice, (municipality of Gnjilane), Dobrusa, Veliko Ropotovo
>(municipality of Kosovska Kamenica), Partes, Podgradje, Malisevo and
Pasjane
>(municipality of Gnjilane), Ljestar, Budriga, Dobrotin (municipality of
>Lipljan), Grncar, Binac, Ranilug, Silovo, Odovce, Rajanovce, Bosce,
Caglavica,
>Paravolo, Lebane, Gojbulja, Suvo Grlo and Banje (municipality of Srbica),
in
>the following villages in the area of the municipality of Gora: Brodosavce,
>Belobrod, Kukavce; frequent attacks on houses of Goranci, Muslims and
>Albanians, loyal to the FR of Yugoslavia, and in Grabovac (municipality of
>Zvecan).
>
> All Serbian houses in the villages of Donji Livoc, Kmetova
>Vrbica, Lipovica and Cernice in the municipality of Gnjilane, and in the
>villages of Vaganes, Gradjenik and Orahovica in the municipality of
Kosovska
>Kamenica, all forming part of Kosovsko Pomoravlje, were set on fire or
>destroyed by mortars or explosives.
>
> All this runs counter to assertions by KFOR and UNMIK that
the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has been disarmed.
>
> (16) Blockade of towns and villages:
>
> Gadnje, Orahovac and Velika Hoca, Koretin, villages around
>Gnjilane, Gornja Srbica, Gorazdevac, Priluzje (the village surrounded by
>Albanians, with no doctors, shops and phone lines; about 80 per cent of the
>villagers who worked for the Electric Power Industry of Serbia have
remained
>jobless). About 3,500 Serbian residents of Orahovac have been living for
more
>than nine months since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in the first
>concentration camp in Europe after the Second World War, besieged by the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army.
>
> (17) Armed threats against villages and terror committed on
a
>daily basis against non-Albanians:
>
> Ugljari, Srpski Babus, Stimlje, Novo Selo, Bresje, Obilic,
the
>area around Kosovo Polje, Milosevo (on which an armed attack was recently
>carried out), the village of Zebnice (dramatic humanitarian situation),
most
>of the mainly Catholic Croatian population ofn the villages of Letinice,
>Vrnez, Vrnavo Kolo and Sasare have moved out, Drenovac (50 Serbs
massacred),
>village of Cernice (a series of incidents in which US KFOR soldiers
maltreated
>Serbs), Pozaranje, Gotovusa, Gatnje, Zubin Potok, Veliki Alas, Vrelo and
>Radevo, Plemetin and Slatina (municipality of Vucitrn), Crkolez
(municipality
>of Istok), Ogose - municipality of Kosovska Kamenica (where almost all Roma
>families have been driven out), Banjska, Gojbulja and Miroce (municipality
of
>Vucitrn), Brezanik (municipality of Pec). Ruthless terror is used against
the
>remaining Serbs in the village of Obilic: their houses are attacked and set
on
>fire. They cannot call fire emergency services or ask for KFOR and UNMIK
>assistance since their telephone lines are disconnected, while those
belonging
>to Albanian households are connected. This provides further evidence of
>against Serb by KFOR and UNMIK who sit idly by.
>
> (18) The looted Serbian villages whose residents were
forced
>out:
>
> Muzicani, Slivovo, Orlovic, Dragas, the area around Kosovo
>Polje, Livadice, Mirovac, Sirinicka Zupa, Medregovac, Grace, Zociste,
>Sofalija, Dragoljevac, Tomance, Koretin, Lestar, Donja Sipasnica,
Miganovce,
>Laniste and Zmijarnik (municipality of Kosovska Kamenica).
>
> (19) Serbian settlements set on fire:
>
> Istok, Klina, Donja Lapastica, Obrandza, Velika Reka,
Perane,
>Lause, the villages around Podujevo, Grace, Donja Dubica, Zociste,
Orahovac,
>Naklo, Vitomirice, Belo Polje, Mojlovice, Alos-Toplicane, Krajiste, Rudnik,
>Donji Strmac, Goles (municipality of Lipljan), Orlovic (municipality of
>Pristina), Krpimej and Lausa (municipality of Podujevo), Muzicane (all
Serbian
>houses burned down), Zaimovo, Denovac, Lesjane, Gornje and Donje Nerodimlje
>(all Serbian houses looted and burned down), Sinaje (municipality of
Istok),
>Balovac, Mali Talinovac, Ljubizda, Klobuka and Oraovica (municipality of
>Kosovska Kamenica), Zaskok and Novi Miros (municipality of Urosevac).
>
> (20) Registered number of homes burned down: About 50,000
>houses of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci and other non-Albanians were burned
>down in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
>
> (21) Registered number of illegal entries of foreign
citizens
>into the FR of Yugoslavia (Kosovo and Metohija) without the necessary
papers
>(visas and registration of stay with the competent authorities): 811
>
> Over 250,000 foreigners have illegally entered Kosovo and
>Metohija with approval of UNMIK and KFOR. The Government of the FR of
>Yugoslavia has officially requested their deportation on several occasions.
>These requests went unheeded, although those persons are international
>terrorists, criminals, narco-mafia members, white slave merchants,
organizers
>of brothels and other forms of international crime.
>
> (22) Registered number of stolen vehicles: over 12,000
>
> As a result of open borders with Macedonia and Albania
250,000
>vehicles were brought into Kosovo and Metohija without payment of customs
>duties. Most of these vehicles were stolen.
>
> UNMIK has extended the period for the registration of
vehicles
>in Kosovo and Metohija until 31 May 2000. It is expected that it will
register
>about 200,000 vehicles thus legalizing crime and theft.
>
> (23) Registered number of cases of violation of the ground
>security zone by KFOR: 364.
>
> BRUSSELS, May 16 (Tanjug) - The European Commission has made
>public a list of scandals, mismanagement and irresponsible management of
>humanitarian aid and other forms of aid from the budget of the European Union
>(EU), and that is why it has prepared a package of measures, it was said in
>Brussels on Tuesday.
>
> The report of the "European government" said that the money sent
>by donors to European funds in Brussels is not reaching those to whom it is
>intended, that many projects are never completed, many promises that the aid
>will be sent never fulfilled, and there is a growing number of examples of
>mismanagement and embezzlement.
>
> The example of Kosovo-Metohija is only one in a series of cases
>that confirm the inefficiency of the program of aid of the European Union
>which has earmarked 9.6 billion euros for extending various forms of financial
>support throughout the world.
>
> The EU had planned a 310 million euro aid to Kosovo-Metohija after
>NATO's bombing but EU members cannot agree over how the money should be used.
>
> However, because EU's aid is often used for other purposes - the
>upkeep of the military and civilian missions in Kosovo-Metohija - the sum of
>money planned for the reconstruction of the province is not known.
>
> NATO CONDUCTED MASSIVE TRAINING OF TERRORISTS
>
> PRISTINA, May 16 (Tanjug) - Under the cover of NATO military
>exercises "dynamic response-2000," held this spring in Kosovo-Metohija, in top
>secrecy and closely watched by American officers, was an action of intensive
>training of terrorists.
>
> The training included over two thousand Albanian extremists for
>terrorist activity aimed against Serbian civilians, soldiers and policemen.
>
> The objective of the training of terrorists, masterminded and
>organized by the CIA and which runs counter the rhetoric of the officials of
>the international community, is the fanning of the conflict in southern Serbia
>(border zone Presevo, Bujanovac, Medvedja) and incitement of the exodus of
>non-Albanian population in order to provoke a reaction of the security forces
>of the Republic of Serbia and of the Yugoslav Army and the further
>internationalization of the issue of the status of the Albanian minority in
>that part of Serbia.
>
> Heading the new contingent of officers for waging dirty warfare is
>a certified Serb-hater, senior officer of the Kosovo Protection Corps -
>commander of the sixth zone of defense Shaban Shalje - and the training was
>conducted in late May in the military base Bonsteel, nearby Urosevac.
>
> The training of terrorists is a significant stage in the plans of
>externists, who in collusion with ideological sympathizers, while relying on
>the support of the international community, have not abandoned the plan of
>breaking away Kosoov and Metohija from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
>creating a "Greater Albania."
>
> NATO AGGRESSION - INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS
>
> NATO STOKING OPPOSITION AND SECESSIONIST MOVEMENTS
>
> BELGRADE, May 16 (Tanjug) - Austrian-Serbian Solidarity movement
>President Wilhelm Langtaler said late Monday that NATO would try to create
>conditions for a new intervention and a new war by stoking opposition,
>secessionist movements, since it failed to realize its goals with the 1999
>aggression on Yugoslavia.
>
> Solidarity was founded in Vienna to demonstrate resistance to the
>NATO aggression and support to Yugoslavia.
>
> Speaking in an interview to Serbian Radio Television RTS,
>Langtaler specified that the real reason behind the aggression on Yugoslavia
>was "to throw to its knees a country which dared to oppose the demands of the
>new world order." This presented an obstacle to NATO's breathrought toward
>Russia, he said.
>
> Speaking about his recent visit to Kosovska Mitrovica, a town in
>Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija province, Langtaler said the southern part of
>that town was a site "of genuine occupation."
>
> "There is countless evidence that Security Council Resolution 1244
>is absolutely not implemented," Langtaler said, adding that Serbs are being
>systematically expelled from Kosovo and Metohija, controlled, disarmed, and
>denied every right to self-defense, which is not the case with ethnic
>Albanians, he said.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
- 4792 ATTACCHI TERRORISTICI
- 1010 MORTI AMMAZZATI (DI CUI 888 SERBI O MONTENEGRINI)
- 936 SCOMPARSI
- 924 FERITI
- 350MILA PROFUGHI
- 200 ARRESTI ARBITRARI
- 86 CHIESE E MONUMENTI VANDALIZZATI
- 250MILA ENTRATE ILLEGALI
- 364 SCONFINAMENTI DELLA KFOR NELLA FASCIA DI SICUREZZA
*** L'IMPORTANTE E' NON PARLARNE IN TV ***
---
Fonte: Yugoslav Daily Survey 15-16/5/2000
http://www1.mfa.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.smip.sv.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.mfa.gov.yu/
> SERBIAN PROVINCE OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
>
> THOUSANDS SUPPORT DEMANDS OF IMPRISONED SERBS IN KOSOVSKA
>MITROVICA
>
> KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, May 15 (Tanjug) - More than 7,000 Serbs
from
>Kosovska Mitrovica, Zvecane, Zubin Potok and Leposavic gathered again on
>Monday outside the district prison in Kosovska Mitrovica in sign of support
to
>the Serbs and Roma who have been imprisoned for 11 months, demanding that
they
>be be released on bail and that dates finally be set for the trials.
>
> Stressing that the head of the civilian mission in
Kosovo-Metohija
>Bernard Kouchner did not obtain under Security Council Resolution 1244 the
>mandate to annihilate and dislocate Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija and to
>organize a travesty of justice, member of the Yugoslav committee for
>cooperation with UNMIK and Serbian Deputy Justice Minister Zoran Balinovac
>said that the civilian mission in Kosovo-Metohija was systematically
violating
>that resolution, because, he added not a single Albanian has been arrested
on
>charges of war genocide.
>
> YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT SUBMITS OVERVIEW ON KOSOVO-METOHIJA
TERRORISM
>
> BELGRADE, May 15 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav Government has
submitted
>to the president of the U.N. Security Council and the U.N. Secretary
General
>an annex to its Saturday's Memorandum on the need for a strict and
consistent
>implementation of U.N. Resolution 1244.
>
> The Annex gives an overview of terrorist attacks and other
crimes
>committed in Kosovo-Metohija since the international mission was deployed
to
>that U.N.-administered province of the Yugoslav republic of Serbia in June
>1999.
>
> The full text of the Overview follows (official translation):
>
> O V E R V I E W
>
> of terrorist and other acts of violence and of certain
violations
>of Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) of 10 June 1999 in Kosovo and
>Metohija, the autonomous province of the Yugoslav constituent Republic of
>Serbia, since the arrival of KFOR and UNMIK, in the period from 10 June
1999
>to 7 May 2000
>
> (1) Number of terrorist attacks: 4,792
>
> 4,511 committed against Serbs and Montenegrins, 109 against
>Albanians and 172 against Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (2) Number of killed persons: 1,010
>
> 888 Serbs and Montenegrins, 75 Albanians and 47 members of
other
>ethnic communities in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
> (3) Number of abducted and missing persons: 936
>
> 860 Serbs and Montenegrins, 42 Albanians and 34 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> The fate of 786 persons is still unknown; 95 abducted persons
were
>killed, 7 persons escaped, while 48 were released.
>
> (4) Number of wounded persons: 924
>
> 867 Serbs and Montenegrins, 20 Albanians and 37 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (5) Ethnic cleansing: In the campaign of ethnic cleansing
>following the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK, two-thirds of the non-Albanian
>population, i.e. over 350,000 Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims, Goranci,
>Turks and other non-Albanians have been expelled from Kosovo and Metohija,
of
>whom 270,000 are Serbs.
>
> The following towns and villages have been ethnically cleansed
of
>Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians:
>
> a.. Pristina (all Serbs have been driven out of its largest
>suburbs of Ulpijana, Suncani Breg, Dardanija, Univerzitetsko Naselje. Of
the
>40,000 Serbs who used to live in Pristina before KFOR and UNMIK came to
Kosovo
>and Metohija, 25,000 were school and university students. Today, only 35
>Serbian schoolchildren live in Pristina and attend classes in the local
school
>in the village of Laplje;
> b.. Prizren (only 100 Serbian families remain);
> c.. Gnjilane, the situation in this town was alarming in
March
>and April (in this period alone 350 houses of Serbs were sold). The number
of
>remaining Serbs has been halved and today only about 1,500 Serbs remain.
KFOR
>and UNMIK have warned them not to leave their homes.
> d.. Djakovica, Pec, Podujevo, Glogovac, as well as the
areas
>of Kosovska Mitrovica (Vucitrn, Srbica), Lipljan, Kosovo Polje, from which
80
>per cent of their Serbian residents have been expelled, i.e. 7,000 Serbs
and
>4,000 other non-Albanians (their homes have been burned and looted, while
>shops, cafes and other property are being seized from their owners. In the
>presence of KFOR, ethnic Albanian terrorists brutalize and harass the Serbs
>who refuse to sell their homes and leave Kosovo and Metohija);
> e.. the whole area of the municipalities of Istok and Klina
>including the villages of Dzakovo, Osojane, Tucepom, Kos, Zac, Belica,
>Krnjine, Maticane, Kacanik, Stimlje, Kmetovacka Vrbica and others, where
3,440
>Serbian homes were burned down;
> f.. the surroundings of Urosevac, Slivovo, Nedakovac,
>Nevoljane, Vrpica, Ljestar, Zegra (municipality of Gnjilane), Zitnje,
>Pozaranje, Grmovo, Drobes; in the village of Talinovac the two last Serbian
>houses whose owners had been forced to move out were burnt down at the
>beginning of April;
> g.. the surroundings of Vitina (Kabas, Binac and other
>villages), the areas of Kosovska Kamenica (villages of Bratilovce, Firiceja
>and others) and Kosovsko Pomoravlje, as well as the villages of Toplicane,
>Rujice, Magure, Slovinja, Staro Gracko, Klobukar in the municipality of
Novo
>Brdo. (All Serbian houses have been burned down and all its owners forced
to
>leave.)
>
>
> Members of the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
>exert great pressure on ethnic Goranci, the indigenous residents of the
region
>of Gora, who are not allowed to use their maternal Serbian language in
schools
>and in everyday life, in an attempt to misrepresent this ethnic group as
>Albanians.
>
> Expulsion of the members of the Muslim ethnic community,
loyal
>citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia, has intensified particularly in the area
of
>the municipality of Istok.
>
> In the area of Prizren and Djakovica about 65,000 Kosovo
>Albanian Catholics live in a difficult situation and under great pressure
from
>Albanian terrorists who accuse them of "collaboration with Serbs".
>
> Albanian separatists continue their deliberate actions,
aimed
>at preventing the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija. They raze Serbian
>houses in a pre-planned and synchronized manner. The most drastic example
has
>been the looting and bulldozing of over 250 Serbian houses in the village
of
>Bijelo Polje. The area of this village was turned into a garbage dump.
Serbian
>houses in the villages of Brezanik and Osojane have also been bulldozed.
>Fourteen Serbian villages in the municipality of Vitina do not exist any
more
>because all the houses have been destroyed. At the end of April, Albanian
>terrorists announced that they will carry out similar organized actions of
>looting and destroying Serbian houses in the villages near Istok and Novo
>Brdo.
>
> (6) The latest brutal crimes:
>
> shelling of the Serbian village of Gorazdevac (10 March, 25
>March, 22 April 2000); killing of Gashi Sheqeri in his house in the village
of
>Rogovo, municipality of Djakovica, and a Roma boy whose identity has not
been
>established. This murder was committed by the members of the so-called
Kosovo
>Protection Corps Bajram Gashi and Hallim Shala (30 March); bomb attack on
the
>apartment of Franjo Milic, a Croat, in Obilic (3 April 2000); cruel murder
of
>87-year Metodije Haljausku, a Czech, in Pristina, who was shot in the back
of
>the head (3 April 2000); mortar attack on a group of Serbs who played
football
>in a field in the village of Cernice in which two persons were injured (5
>April 2000); attack of eight terrorists on Stojan Petronijevic in the
>courtyard of his family house in the village of Babin Most, municipality of
>Obilic (5 April 2000); killing of Dobrivoje Jovanovic in Gnjilane (9 April
>2000); mining of the Orthodox Church of Our Lady in Zociste for the third
time
>(18 April 2000); mortar attack on an apartment building housing Serbs and
>Turks in downtown Pristina in which two persons were wounded (18 April
2000);
>killing of Srdjan Markovic from the village of Badovac, who was killed by
>terrorists in his car on his way to visit his friends (21 April 2000);
murder
>of Stojanka Stojanovic (65) in Gnjilane, in mid-April, whose body was found
on
>26 April 2000; terrorist attack on a bus in Kosovska Mitrovica ferrying
Serbs
>to church (28 April 2000); vandal desecration of Serbian cemeteries and
>tombstones in the village of Glavotina, municipality of Vucitrn (26 April
>2000), and in the village of Klobukar, municipality Novo Brdo (30 April
2000);
>dynamiting the Orthodox church of St. Nicholas from 16th century in the
>village of Grncar, municipality of Vitina (28 April 2000); brutal murder of
>Milorad Peric (50) from the village of Pasjane who was working in the
fields
>(29 April 2000); terrorist bomb attack on a group of residents of the
village
>of Crkvena Vodica, municipality of Obilic, in which several children were
>wounded (2 May 2000); bomb attack on the house belonging to Hadzija Agusi
>(74), a Roma, who died from the wounds sustained in the attack (29 April
>2000); killing of Zivko Stolic (67) in Kosovska Vitina, who was brutally
>tortured by terrorists and later killed (6 May 2000); attack on a Serbian
>family in Kosovska Vitina in the courtyard of their house on which occasion
>two adults and two children were wounded.
>
> (7) New forms of terror against Serbs and other
non-Albanians:
>
> In its security actions against Serbian and other
>non-Albanians, KFOR is increasingly demonstrating force and resorting to
>harassment and physical violence and causing damage to Serbian property.
>Drastic incidents occurred in Kosovska Mitrovica (on 20-25 February), in
the
>villages of Mogila (on 25-26 February), in which Serbian houses were
searched
>by in a most brutal way, Draganovac (municipality of Gnjilane) and Miolice
>(Municipality of Leposavic), Mali Zvecan (27 February), Gornje Kusce (1
March)
>and the Serbian villages of Rudare and Grabovac (1 March). The searches
were
>conducted by KFOR jointly with the terrorists of the so-called KLA, who
wore
>international security forces uniforms, in an open display of the existence
of
>co-ordination between KFOR and Albanian terrorists. In April violence
against
>Serbs in the so-called security actions of KFOR has assumed dramatic
>proportions. The most drastic examples were the incidents which took place
in
>the village of Dobrotin on 2 April, in the village of Sevce on 4 April and
in
>the villages of Lepina and Jazine, when KFOR members released dogs on the
>Serbs who had gathered to protest the difficult situation and when a large
>number of people were seriously injured. Several persons were also injured
in
>a brutal action of KFOR against Serbian demonstrators in Gracanica on 7
April
>2000.
>
> (8) Latest terrorist attacks on Serbian convoys:
>
> Attacks on a Serbian convoys headed for Strpce, near the
>village of Radivojce (on 22 and 29 February); attack on a Serbian convoy en
>route to Koretiste, in the village of Dobricane (28 February); attack on a
bus
>ferrying Serbian children home from school on the road between Gornje Kusce
>and Koretiste (29 February); Lieutenant Peter Ramstell (KFOR, Kosovska
>Mitrovica area) banned all KFOR security escorts for buses transporting
>Serbian schoolchildren and sick persons to Gracanica (1 March); attacks
>against Serbian convoys in the village of Koretin (6 and 20 March);
repeated
>attacks against Serbian convoys in Gnjilane (7, 10 and 31 March); an attack
on
>a Serbian convoy in the village of Dobrovce (27 March); attack on a Serbian
>convoy on the road between Bujanovac and Gracanica (11 April 2000); attack
on
>a convoy from Strpce in the village of Pozaranje, municipality of Vitina
(18
>April 2000).
>
> KFOR has not prevented these terrorist attacks. Also, it
has
>refused to provide security escorts to convoys between Merdare and Kosovo
>Polje. In addition to daily terror against them, this is added pressure on
>Serbs to leave Kosovo Polje.
>
> (9) Number of arbitrarily arrested persons by KFOR and
UNMIK:
>200
>
> Arrested Serbs are detained in prisons in Pristina,
Prizren,
>Sojevo near Urosevac, Kosovska Mitrovica, Gnjilane, Lipljan and Klokot
Banja.
>They have been arrested without any explanation or charges, only on the
ground
>of information provided by the Albanians, most frequently by the members of
>the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army. 43 Serbs arbitrarily
arrested
>without legal grounds by KFOR and UNMIK have been detained in a prison in
>Kosovska Mitrovica for almost ten months. In this period no investigation
or
>any court proceedings have been instituted. On 10 April 2000, 37 detained
>Serbs and 5 Roma went on a hunger strike. The immediate cause was the
release
>of Gjelal Ademi, an ethnic Albanian, against whom an investigation had been
>instituted because of a hand grenade attack in which 22 Serbs and 14 French
>soldiers of KFOR were injured. Doctors from the School of Medicine of the
>University of Pristina found out at the last examination (6 May 2000) that
>their health condition was rapidly deteriorating and that eleven of them
were
>in critical conditions. On 7 May 2000, Arsenije Vitosevic, suffering from a
>chronic heart condition, was admitted to the City hospital. Due to
exhaustion,
>high blood pressure and heart condition he has been placed in an intensive
>care unit. He was given infusion and is in a difficult psychological
condition
>(two years ago KLA terrorists abducted his son and he has not heard from
him
>since). The doctors who examined the strikers requested that 10 detainees
be
>sent to hospital due to exhaustion and deteriorating health condition. They
>called on the competent judicial and police UNMIK authorities to release
the
>strikers without delay so that they could given proper medical treatment
and
>that their condition stabilized.
>
> (10) Prisons and labour camps run by the terrorist
so-called
>Kosovo Liberation Army:
>
> The abducted Serbian civilians, detained by the terrorist
>so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, are kept in the labour camps located in
the
>village of Maticane and in the wider area of Prizren ("Ortokal" estate, a
>building situated on the road to Djakovica) and in Drenica. 472 abducted
Serbs
>are kept in the camps.
>
> KLA prisons for Serbs, Montenegrin and members of other
ethnic
>communities who are not supportive of Albanian terrorists are situated also
>around the village of Brod, municipality of Dragas, and along the Djakovica
>road towards the village of Junik, municipality of Decani, as well as in
the
>villages of Glodjane, Izbica and Strovce in the Kosovska Mitrovica
district;
>and in the premises of Railroad Transport Co. in Urosevac.
>
> (11) Situation in Kosovska Mitrovica:
>
> Since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in Kosovo and
Metohija,
>the security situation has been very serious, particularly in and around
>Kosovska Mitrovica. Some of the most salient types and instances of
atrocities
>have been:
>
> h.. looting and the destruction of 2,365 homes belonging to
>Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians (1,200 in Kosovska Mitrovica;
>1,060 in Vucitrn; and 105 in Srbica);
> i.. eviction of 700 Serbian families from their apartments
>(500 southern Kosovska Mitrovica; 150 in Vucitrn; and 50 in Srbica);
> j.. looting and the destruction of the property of the
>following companies:
> 1. In Kosovska Mitrovica: Socially-owned companies
>"Kosovo-Sirovina", "Betonjerka", "Lux", "AMD", "Kosmet-Prevoz",
>"Trans-Kosovo", Duvanska, Minel, Zemljoradnicka zadruga (cooperative),
>Hortikultura, Mitrovcanka, DES, "Ibar-Rozaje" warehouse, water utility
company
>"Vodovod", printing company "Progres", electric power generation company
>"Elektro-Kosovo", PTT and a large number of bars and cafes owned by
>non-Albanians.
>
> 2. In Vucitrn: Socially-owned companies "Sartid",
>"Vucitrn-Prevoz", "Ratar", Farm Cooperative, paints and coatings factory
>"Ekstra", construction company "Kosovo", utilities company "Sitnica",
private
>company "Cicavica", employment bureau, local community centre, Town Hall of
>Vucitrn, Construction Land Fund, local department store, Auditing Office
>building, Jugobanka, primary and secondary schools, Jugopetrol, Beopetrol,
>electric power generationcompany "Elektro-Kosovo", PTT.
>
> 3. In Srbica: Hunting munitions factory, plastics factory,
>socially-owned company "Buducnost", Farm Cooperative, public utilities
>company, "Dijamant-produkt" Co., local community centre, local
self-managing
>community of interest, "Zitopromet" Co. and its silos.
>
> (12) Recent killings and terrorizing of Albanians loyal to
the
>FR of Yugoslavia:
>
> The terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has stepped
up
>the execution of Albanians who do support their policy and goals,
particularly
>in the areas of Pristina, Podujevo and Pec. The most drastic examples are:
the
>murder of Hejdi Sejdiu, a member of the Provincial Committee of the Serbian
>Socialist Party, in his home town of Urosevac in front of his wife and
three
>children (on 10 February), the killing of Danush Januzi in Vitina (on 10
>February); the massacre of Tahir Bekim, abducted and later killed by the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (parts of his mutilated
>body were found on 24 February).
>
> The terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
burnt
>down the house of Sellim Broshi, former head of the Provincial Ministry of
the
>Interior, in the village of Odanovce, municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, on
20
>March 2000. They are also looking for Sinan Rexhepi, former employee of the
>Provincial Ministry of the Interior. They threaten Sadik Hajrulah from
Vitina,
>Ramadan Sermaxhi, employee of the Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane,
Minir
>Krasniqi from Kosovska Kamenica, as well as other former or present ethnic
>Albanian members of the Provincial Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane.
>
> In mid-March, terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation
>Army abducted Noa and Nua Kajtazi, catholic Albanians, in the village of
Zjum
>accusing them that they are loyal citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia. They
>requested a ransom from their family in the amount of DM 40,000. They also
>searched their houses, looted it and beat the members of their family.
>
> In addition to Serbs, the terrorist so-called Kosovo
>Liberation Army also rounds up Albanians, loyal to the State of the FR of
>Yugoslavia, and detain them in their prison camps (around the village of
Brod,
>municipality of Dragas).
>
> (13) Destruction of churches, monasteries and cultural
>monuments:
>
> 86 churches, monasteries and other cultural monuments were
>burned down, demolished or seriously damaged, among them the Church of the
>Entrance of Our Lady into the Temple at Dolac, monastery of St. Mark at
Korisa
>from 1467, monastery of Prophets Kosmo and Damien in Zociste from 14th
>century, the church in Kijevo from the 14th century, the Holy Trinity
>monastery from the 14th century near Musutiste, monastery Devic built in
1440,
>Church of St. Paraskeva in Drenik from the 16th century, Church of St.
>Demetrius near Pec, the Orthodox church at Grmovo near Vitina, Church of
St.
>Elijah at Zegra near Gnjilane, church of Holy Mother in Musutiste from
1315,
>Church of St. Elijah at Bistrazin, Church of Apostles Peter and Paul in
Suva
>Reka, monastery of St. Uros in Nerodimlje, monastery of St. Archangel
Gabriel
>from the 14th century in Binac, Church of St. Mary from the 16th century in
>Belo Polje, Church of St. John the Baptist in Pecka Banja, churches in the
>villages of Naklo, Vucitrn, Petrovac, Urosevac, Podgorce, Djurakovac,
Krusevo,
>Osojane, Samodreza, Dresna near Klina, Rekovac, Petric, monastery Binac
near
>Vitina, Holy Trinity Cathedral in Djakovica, St. Nicholas' Church in
Gnjilane.
>
>
> Monks and other clergy are being terrorized and persecuted.
>More than 150 parish residences were destroyed or damaged. Over 10,000
icons
>and other sacral objects, most of which are part of cultural treasures
under
>the special protection of the State, were stolen or destroyed. Medieval
>frescoes were destroyed in 70 per cent of Orthodox churches and
monasteries.
>
> Assaults on members of the Catholic religious community by
the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army have intensified in
Prizren
>and Pec, particularly assaults on clergymen (The homes of two Franciscan
>priests were burned down.).
>
> The following cultural monuments were damaged or
demolished:
>
> - statues of the greatest lexicographer of the Serbian
>language Vuk Karadzic and the great Montenegrin poet Petar Petrovic Njegos
in
>downtown Pristina;
>
> - memorials to King Uros in Urosevac and King Dusan in
>Prizren;
>
> - memorial to Prince Lazar in Gnjilane and the memorial to
>Serbian rulers from the Nemanjic dynasty in the village of Gornje
Nerodimlje;
>
> - memorial to Milos Obilic, the symbol of the town of
Obilic.
>KFOR removed the damaged statue to the compounds of the thermal electric
power
>plant "Kosovo B".
>
> - about 400 000 books vanished in the fire set to the
Pristina
>Library.
>
> Many of the destroyed monuments are outstanding examples of
>the Serbian cultural heritage and are on the list of the monuments of
>exceptional cultural value under the protection of UNESCO.
>
> (14) Forced and illegal taking over of public institutions:
>
> - Forcible and illegal takeovers of premises and buildings
of
>post offices, banks, medical institutions, water and power supply systems,
>university, elementary and secondary schools, municipal and other local
>government buildings, local communes, buildings of the Ministry of the
>Interior and the Army of Yugoslavia, factories, enterprises, cooperatives,
>etc. in Pristina (premises of the Clinical Centre "Pristina" and the health
>station whose equipment has been stolen and taken by doctors in private
>practice, Federal Customs Administration, Public Housing Company, Institute
>for Urban Planning, water supply company "Vodovod", thermal electric power
>plant "Kosovo B", depots and petrol stations of "Jugopetrol", the
shareholding
>companies "Kosmet-Pristina", "Kosovo-Trans", "Energoinvest",
"Autopristina",
>car shock absorbers factory, "Jugotrans", etc.) as well as in Prizren,
Dragas,
>Podujevo, Lipljan, Strpci, Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo Polje (with the
>assistance of KFOR), Djakovica (with the assistance of KFOR).
>
> - By forced and illegal taking over of public enterprises
and
>institutions tens of thousands employed Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims,
>Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians were sacked and left with no means
to
>support themselves.
>
> - More than 190 major companies were forcibly and illegally
>seized, whose equipment was looted and most often taken to Albania.
>
> (15) Armed artillery attacks on villages:
>
> Slovinj, Maticane, Orahovac, Konjuh, Berivojce, Gornja
>Brnjica, the villages around Kosovska Kamenica: Grncar, Magila, Ajvalija,
all
>the villages of the Istok-Klina region, Gorazdevac near Pec, Svinjare,
Klokot,
>Novo Brdo, Zjum, Donja and Gornja Gusterica, Susica, Badavac, Bresje,
Vrbovac,
>Vitina, Cernice, (municipality of Gnjilane), Dobrusa, Veliko Ropotovo
>(municipality of Kosovska Kamenica), Partes, Podgradje, Malisevo and
Pasjane
>(municipality of Gnjilane), Ljestar, Budriga, Dobrotin (municipality of
>Lipljan), Grncar, Binac, Ranilug, Silovo, Odovce, Rajanovce, Bosce,
Caglavica,
>Paravolo, Lebane, Gojbulja, Suvo Grlo and Banje (municipality of Srbica),
in
>the following villages in the area of the municipality of Gora: Brodosavce,
>Belobrod, Kukavce; frequent attacks on houses of Goranci, Muslims and
>Albanians, loyal to the FR of Yugoslavia, and in Grabovac (municipality of
>Zvecan).
>
> All Serbian houses in the villages of Donji Livoc, Kmetova
>Vrbica, Lipovica and Cernice in the municipality of Gnjilane, and in the
>villages of Vaganes, Gradjenik and Orahovica in the municipality of
Kosovska
>Kamenica, all forming part of Kosovsko Pomoravlje, were set on fire or
>destroyed by mortars or explosives.
>
> All this runs counter to assertions by KFOR and UNMIK that
the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has been disarmed.
>
> (16) Blockade of towns and villages:
>
> Gadnje, Orahovac and Velika Hoca, Koretin, villages around
>Gnjilane, Gornja Srbica, Gorazdevac, Priluzje (the village surrounded by
>Albanians, with no doctors, shops and phone lines; about 80 per cent of the
>villagers who worked for the Electric Power Industry of Serbia have
remained
>jobless). About 3,500 Serbian residents of Orahovac have been living for
more
>than nine months since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in the first
>concentration camp in Europe after the Second World War, besieged by the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army.
>
> (17) Armed threats against villages and terror committed on
a
>daily basis against non-Albanians:
>
> Ugljari, Srpski Babus, Stimlje, Novo Selo, Bresje, Obilic,
the
>area around Kosovo Polje, Milosevo (on which an armed attack was recently
>carried out), the village of Zebnice (dramatic humanitarian situation),
most
>of the mainly Catholic Croatian population ofn the villages of Letinice,
>Vrnez, Vrnavo Kolo and Sasare have moved out, Drenovac (50 Serbs
massacred),
>village of Cernice (a series of incidents in which US KFOR soldiers
maltreated
>Serbs), Pozaranje, Gotovusa, Gatnje, Zubin Potok, Veliki Alas, Vrelo and
>Radevo, Plemetin and Slatina (municipality of Vucitrn), Crkolez
(municipality
>of Istok), Ogose - municipality of Kosovska Kamenica (where almost all Roma
>families have been driven out), Banjska, Gojbulja and Miroce (municipality
of
>Vucitrn), Brezanik (municipality of Pec). Ruthless terror is used against
the
>remaining Serbs in the village of Obilic: their houses are attacked and set
on
>fire. They cannot call fire emergency services or ask for KFOR and UNMIK
>assistance since their telephone lines are disconnected, while those
belonging
>to Albanian households are connected. This provides further evidence of
>against Serb by KFOR and UNMIK who sit idly by.
>
> (18) The looted Serbian villages whose residents were
forced
>out:
>
> Muzicani, Slivovo, Orlovic, Dragas, the area around Kosovo
>Polje, Livadice, Mirovac, Sirinicka Zupa, Medregovac, Grace, Zociste,
>Sofalija, Dragoljevac, Tomance, Koretin, Lestar, Donja Sipasnica,
Miganovce,
>Laniste and Zmijarnik (municipality of Kosovska Kamenica).
>
> (19) Serbian settlements set on fire:
>
> Istok, Klina, Donja Lapastica, Obrandza, Velika Reka,
Perane,
>Lause, the villages around Podujevo, Grace, Donja Dubica, Zociste,
Orahovac,
>Naklo, Vitomirice, Belo Polje, Mojlovice, Alos-Toplicane, Krajiste, Rudnik,
>Donji Strmac, Goles (municipality of Lipljan), Orlovic (municipality of
>Pristina), Krpimej and Lausa (municipality of Podujevo), Muzicane (all
Serbian
>houses burned down), Zaimovo, Denovac, Lesjane, Gornje and Donje Nerodimlje
>(all Serbian houses looted and burned down), Sinaje (municipality of
Istok),
>Balovac, Mali Talinovac, Ljubizda, Klobuka and Oraovica (municipality of
>Kosovska Kamenica), Zaskok and Novi Miros (municipality of Urosevac).
>
> (20) Registered number of homes burned down: About 50,000
>houses of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci and other non-Albanians were burned
>down in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
>
> (21) Registered number of illegal entries of foreign
citizens
>into the FR of Yugoslavia (Kosovo and Metohija) without the necessary
papers
>(visas and registration of stay with the competent authorities): 811
>
> Over 250,000 foreigners have illegally entered Kosovo and
>Metohija with approval of UNMIK and KFOR. The Government of the FR of
>Yugoslavia has officially requested their deportation on several occasions.
>These requests went unheeded, although those persons are international
>terrorists, criminals, narco-mafia members, white slave merchants,
organizers
>of brothels and other forms of international crime.
>
> (22) Registered number of stolen vehicles: over 12,000
>
> As a result of open borders with Macedonia and Albania
250,000
>vehicles were brought into Kosovo and Metohija without payment of customs
>duties. Most of these vehicles were stolen.
>
> UNMIK has extended the period for the registration of
vehicles
>in Kosovo and Metohija until 31 May 2000. It is expected that it will
register
>about 200,000 vehicles thus legalizing crime and theft.
>
> (23) Registered number of cases of violation of the ground
>security zone by KFOR: 364.
>
> BRUSSELS, May 16 (Tanjug) - The European Commission has made
>public a list of scandals, mismanagement and irresponsible management of
>humanitarian aid and other forms of aid from the budget of the European Union
>(EU), and that is why it has prepared a package of measures, it was said in
>Brussels on Tuesday.
>
> The report of the "European government" said that the money sent
>by donors to European funds in Brussels is not reaching those to whom it is
>intended, that many projects are never completed, many promises that the aid
>will be sent never fulfilled, and there is a growing number of examples of
>mismanagement and embezzlement.
>
> The example of Kosovo-Metohija is only one in a series of cases
>that confirm the inefficiency of the program of aid of the European Union
>which has earmarked 9.6 billion euros for extending various forms of financial
>support throughout the world.
>
> The EU had planned a 310 million euro aid to Kosovo-Metohija after
>NATO's bombing but EU members cannot agree over how the money should be used.
>
> However, because EU's aid is often used for other purposes - the
>upkeep of the military and civilian missions in Kosovo-Metohija - the sum of
>money planned for the reconstruction of the province is not known.
>
> NATO CONDUCTED MASSIVE TRAINING OF TERRORISTS
>
> PRISTINA, May 16 (Tanjug) - Under the cover of NATO military
>exercises "dynamic response-2000," held this spring in Kosovo-Metohija, in top
>secrecy and closely watched by American officers, was an action of intensive
>training of terrorists.
>
> The training included over two thousand Albanian extremists for
>terrorist activity aimed against Serbian civilians, soldiers and policemen.
>
> The objective of the training of terrorists, masterminded and
>organized by the CIA and which runs counter the rhetoric of the officials of
>the international community, is the fanning of the conflict in southern Serbia
>(border zone Presevo, Bujanovac, Medvedja) and incitement of the exodus of
>non-Albanian population in order to provoke a reaction of the security forces
>of the Republic of Serbia and of the Yugoslav Army and the further
>internationalization of the issue of the status of the Albanian minority in
>that part of Serbia.
>
> Heading the new contingent of officers for waging dirty warfare is
>a certified Serb-hater, senior officer of the Kosovo Protection Corps -
>commander of the sixth zone of defense Shaban Shalje - and the training was
>conducted in late May in the military base Bonsteel, nearby Urosevac.
>
> The training of terrorists is a significant stage in the plans of
>externists, who in collusion with ideological sympathizers, while relying on
>the support of the international community, have not abandoned the plan of
>breaking away Kosoov and Metohija from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
>creating a "Greater Albania."
>
> NATO AGGRESSION - INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS
>
> NATO STOKING OPPOSITION AND SECESSIONIST MOVEMENTS
>
> BELGRADE, May 16 (Tanjug) - Austrian-Serbian Solidarity movement
>President Wilhelm Langtaler said late Monday that NATO would try to create
>conditions for a new intervention and a new war by stoking opposition,
>secessionist movements, since it failed to realize its goals with the 1999
>aggression on Yugoslavia.
>
> Solidarity was founded in Vienna to demonstrate resistance to the
>NATO aggression and support to Yugoslavia.
>
> Speaking in an interview to Serbian Radio Television RTS,
>Langtaler specified that the real reason behind the aggression on Yugoslavia
>was "to throw to its knees a country which dared to oppose the demands of the
>new world order." This presented an obstacle to NATO's breathrought toward
>Russia, he said.
>
> Speaking about his recent visit to Kosovska Mitrovica, a town in
>Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija province, Langtaler said the southern part of
>that town was a site "of genuine occupation."
>
> "There is countless evidence that Security Council Resolution 1244
>is absolutely not implemented," Langtaler said, adding that Serbs are being
>systematically expelled from Kosovo and Metohija, controlled, disarmed, and
>denied every right to self-defense, which is not the case with ethnic
>Albanians, he said.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
DISCORSO DI SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
dinanzi ad un milione di persone convenute a Gazimestan,
nella piana di Campo dei Merli ("Kosovo Polje") il 28/6/1989,
nel seicentesimo anniversario della omonima battaglia
Fonte: National Technical Information Service, Dept. of Commerce, USA
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/facts/Milosevic-speech.html
Traduzione a cura del Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia,
luglio 1999 - http://www.marx2001.org/nuovaunita/jugo/crj/m_l/150799.htm
--
Circostanze sociali hanno fatto si che questo grande seicentesimo
anniversario della battaglia di Kosovo Polje abbia luogo in un
anno in cui la Serbia, dopo molti anni, dopo molte decadi, ha
riottenuto la sua integrita' statale, nazionale, e spirituale
[si riferisce alla abrogazione della "autonomia speciale", in
vigore nella regione del Kosovo dal 1974, che le garantiva uno
status di settima Repubblica jugoslava "de facto"; n.d.crj].
Percio' non e' difficile per noi oggi rispondere alla vecchia
domanda: come ci porremo davanti a Milos [Milos Obilic,
leggendario eroe della battaglia del Kosovo; n.d.crj]. Guardando a
tutto il corso della storia e della vita sembra che la Serbia abbia,
proprio in questo anno, nel 1989, riottenuto il suo Stato e la sua
dignita' e percio' che abbia celebrato un evento del passato
remoto che ha un grande significato storico e simbolico per il
suo futuro.
* La Liberazione come carattere proprio della Serbia
Oggi come oggi e' difficile dire quale sia la verita' storica
sulla battaglia del Kosovo e cosa sia solo leggenda. Oggi
come oggi questo non ha piu' importanza. Oppressa dalla
sofferenza e piena di fiducia, la popolazione era solita
rievocare e dimenticare, come in fondo tutte le popolazioni
del mondo fanno, e si vergognava del tradimento e glorificava
l'eroismo. Percio' e' difficile dire oggi se la battaglia del
Kosovo fu una sconfitta o una vittoria per la gente serba,
se grazie ad essa piombo' nella schiavitu' o se ne sottrasse
[lo smembramento del regno di Serbia come Stato avvenne infatti
solo settanta anni dopo; n.d.crj].
Le risposte a queste domande saranne sempre cercate dalla scienza e
dal popolo. Quello che e' stato certo attraverso i secoli fino al
nostro tempo e' che la discordia si abbatte' sul Kosovo seicento
anni fa. Se perdemmo la battaglia, non deve essere stato solamente
il risultato della superiorita' sociale e del vantaggio militare
dell'Impero Ottomano, ma anche della tragica divisione nella
leadership dello Stato serbo a quel tempo. In quel lontano 1389,
l'Impero Ottomano non fu solamente piu' forte di quello dei serbi
ma ebbe anche una sorte migliore che non il regno serbo.
La mancanza di unita' ed il tradimento in Kosovo continueranno ad
accompagnare il popolo serbo come un destino diabolico per tutto
il corso della sua storia [non a caso le "quattro esse"
cirilliche della bandiera tradizionale serba significano "Samo
Sloga Srbe Spasava", ovvero "solo la concordia salvera' i serbi";
n.d.crj]. Persino nell'ultima guerra, questa mancanza di unita'
ed il tradimento hanno gettato il popolo serbo e la Serbia in una
agonia, le conseguenze della quale in senso storico e morale hanno
sorpassato l'aggressione fascista [Milosevic si riferisce
evidentemente al patto sottoscritto dal governo Cvetkovic-Macek con
i nazisti, e forse anche al governo collaborazionista di Nedic
ed alla alleanza dei cetnici con il nazismo tedesco dopo la
capitolazione dell'Italia, in funzione anticomunista; n.d.crj].
Anche in seguito, quando fu messa in piedi la Jugoslavia socialista,
in questo nuovo Stato la leadership serba continuava ad essere
divisa, disposta al compromesso a detrimento del suo stesso
popolo. Le concessioni che molti leaders serbi fecero a spese del
loro popolo non erano storicamemte ne' eticamente accettabili
per alcuna nazione del mondo [si riferisce evidentemente alla
strutturazione della Serbia in Repubblica con due regione autonome
con diritto di veto, quasi Repubbliche a se' stanti; n.d.crj],
specialmente perche' i serbi non hanno mai fatto guerra di conquista
o sfruttato altri nel corso della loro storia. Il loro essere
nazionale e storico e' stato di carattere liberatorio durante tutti
i secoli e nel corso di entrambe le guerre mondiali, cosi' come
oggi. Hanno liberato se' stessi e quando hanno potuto hanno anche
aiutato altri a liberarsi. Il fatto che in questa regione siano
una nazionalita' maggioritaria non e' un peccato od una colpa dei
serbi: questo e' un vantaggio che essi non hanno usato contro
altri, ma devo dire che qui, in questo grande, leggendario Campo
dei Merli, i serbi non hanno usato il vantaggio di essere grandi
neppure a loro beneficio.
A causa dei loro leaders e dei loro uomini politici e di una
mentalita' succube si sentivano colpevoli dinanzi a loro stessi
ed agli altri. Questa situazione e' durata per decenni, e' durata
per anni, e ci ritroviamo adesso a Campo dei Merli a dire che le
cose ora stanno diversamente.
* L'unita' rendera' possibile la prosperita'
La divisione tra i politici serbi ha nuociuto alla Serbia, e la
loro inferiorita' l'ha umiliata. Percio', nessun posto in Serbia
e' piu' adeguato per affermare questo della piana del Kosovo, nessun
posto in Serbia e' piu' adeguato della piana del Kosovo per dire
che l'unita' in Serbia portera' la prosperita' al popolo serbo in
Serbia ed a ciascuno dei cittadini della Serbia, indipendentemente
dalla sua nazionalita' o dal credo religioso.
La Serbia oggi e' unita e pari alle altre repubbliche ed e'
pronta a fare ogni cosa per migliorare la sua posizione economica
e sociale, e quella dei suoi cittadini. Se c'e' unita', cooperazione
e serieta', si riuscira' nell'intento. Ecco perche' l'ottimismo
che e' oggi in larga misura presente in Serbia, riguardo al futuro,
e' realistico, anche perche' e' basato sulla liberta' che rende
possibile a tutta la popolazione di esprimere le sue capacita'
positive, creative ed umane, allo scopo di migliorare la vita
sociale e personale.
In Serbia non hanno mai vissuto solamente i serbi. Oggi, piu'
che nel passato, pure componenti di altri popoli e nazionalita'
ci vivono. Questo non e' uno svantaggio per la Serbia. Io sono
assolutamente convinto che questo e' un vantaggio. La composizione
nazionale di quasi tutti i paesi del mondo oggi, e soprattutto
di quelli sviluppati, si e' andata trasformando in questa
direzione. Cittadini di diverse nazionalita', religioni, e razze
sempre piu' spesso e con sempre maggior successo vivono insieme.
In particolare il socialismo, che e' una societa' democratica
progressista e giusta, non dovrebbe consentire alle genti di essere
divise sotto il profilo nazionale o sotto quelo religioso. Le sole
differenze che uno potrebbe e dovrebbe consentire nel socialismo
sono tra quelli che lavorano sodo ed i fannulloni, ovvero tra
gli onesti ed i disonesti. Percio', tutte le persone che in Serbia
vivono del loro lavoro, onestamente, rispettando le altre
persone e le altre nazionalita', vivono nella loro Repubblica.
* Le drammatiche divisioni nazionali
Dopotutto, l'intero nostro paese dovrebbe essere fondato sulla base
di questi principi. La Jugoslavia e' una comunita' multinazionale
e puo' sopravvivere solo alle condizioni della eguaglianza piena
per tutte le nazioni che ci vivono.
La crisi che ha colpito la Jugoslavia ha portato con se' divisioni
nazionali, ma anche sociali, culturali, religiose e molte altre,
meno importanti. Tra queste divisioni, quelle nazionalistiche hanno
dimostrato di essere le piu' drammatiche. Risolverle rendera' piu'
semplice rimuovere altre divisioni e mitigare le conseguenze che
esse hanno creato.
Da quando esistono le comunita' multinazionali, il loro punto
debole e' sempre stato nei rapporti tra le varie nazionalita'.
La minaccia e' che ad un certo punto emerga l'interrogativo se
una nazione sia messa in pericolo dalle altre - e questo puo' dare
il via ad una ondata di sospetti, di accuse, e di intolleranza,
una ondata che necessariamente cresce e si arresta con difficolta'.
Questa minaccia e' stata appesa come una spada sulle nostre teste
per tutto il tempo. Nemici interni ed esterni delle comunita'
multinazionali sono coscienti di questo e percio' organizzano la
loro attivita' contro le societa' multinazionali, soprattutto
fomentando i conflitti nazionali. A questo punto, noi qui in
Jugoslavia ci comportiamo come se non avessimo mai avuto una
esperienza del genere e come se nel nostro passato recente e
remoto non avessimo mai vissuto la peggiore tragedia, in tema
di conflitti nazionali, che una societa' possa mai vivere ed a
cui possa mai sopravvivere.
Rapporti equi ed armoniosi tra i popoli jugoslavi sono una
condizione necessaria per l'esistenza della Jugoslavia e perche'
essa trovi la sua via d'uscita dalla crisi, ed in particolare
essi sono condizione necessaria per la sua prosperita' economica e
sociale. A questo riguardo la Jugoslavia non si pone al di fuori
del contesto sociale del mondo contemporaneo, in particolare
di quello sviluppato. Questo mondo e' sempre piu' contrassegnato
dalla tolleranza tra nazioni, dalla cooperazione tra nazioni, ed
anche dalla eguaglianza tra nazioni. Il moderno sviluppo economico
e tecnologico, ed anche quello politico e culturale, hanno condotto
i vari popoli l'uno verso l'altro, rendendoli interdipendenti e
sempre piu' paritari. Popoli eguali ed uniti tra loro possono
soprattutto diventare parte della civilta' verso cui si dirige
il genere umano. Se noi non possiamo essere alla testa della
colonna che guida la suddetta civilta', sicuramente non c'e' nessuna
ragione nemmeno per rimanere in fondo.
Ai tempi di questa famosa battaglia combattuta nel Kosovo, le
genti guardavano alle stelle attendendosi aiuto da loro. Adesso,
sei secoli dopo, essi guardano ancora le stelle, in attesa di
conquistarle. Nel primo caso, potevano ancora permettersi di
essere disuniti e di coltivare odio e tradimento perche' vivevano
in mondi piu' piccoli, solo poco legati tra loro. Adesso, come
abitanti di questo pianeta, non possono conquistare nemmeno il
loro stesso pianeta se non sono uniti, per non parlare degli altri
pianeti, a meno che non vivano in mutua armonia e solidarieta'.
Percio', le parole dedicate all'unita', alla solidarieta', alla
cooperazione tra le genti non hanno significato piu' grande in
alcun luogo della nostra terra natia di quello che hanno qui,
sul campo del Kosovo, che e' simbolo di divisione e di tradimento.
Nella memoria del popolo serbo, questa disunione fu decisiva nel
causare la perdita della battaglia e nell'arrecare il destino che
che gravo' sulla Serbia per ben sei secoli.
Ma se pure da un punto di vista storico le cose non andarono cosi',
rimane certo che il popolo considero' la divisione come il
suo peggior flagello. Percio' e' un obbligo per il popolo
rimuovere le divisioni, cosi' da potersi proteggere dalle sconfitte,
dai fallimenti, e dalla sfiducia nel futuro.
* L'unita' riporta la dignita'
Quest'anno il popolo serbo ha compreso la necessita' della
mutua armonia come condizione indispensabile per la sua vita
presente e gli sviluppi futuri.
Io sono convinto che questa coscienza dell'armonia e dell'unita'
rendera' possibile alla Serbia non solo di funzionare in quanto
Stato ma di funzionare bene. Percio' io credo che abbia senso
dirlo qui, in Kosovo, dove quella divisione un tempo fece precipitare
la Serbia tragicamente all'indietro di secoli, mettendola a
repentaglio, e dove l'unita' rinnovata puo' farla avanzare e
farle riacquistare dignita'. Questa coscienza dei reciproci rapporti
costituisce una necessita' elementare anche per la Jugoslavia,
perche' il suo destino e' nelle mani unite di tutti i suoi popoli.
L'eroismo del Kosovo ha ispirato la nostra creativita' per sei
secoli, ed ha nutrito il nostro orgoglio e non ci consente di
dimenticare che un tempo fummo un'esercito grande, coraggioso,
ed orgoglioso, uno dei pochi che non si potevano vincere nemmeno
nella sconfitta.
Sei secoli dopo, adesso, noi veniamo nuovamente impegnati in
battaglie e dobbiamo affrontare battaglie. Non sono battaglie
armate, benche' queste non si possano ancora escludere.
Tuttavia, indipendentemente dal tipo di battaglie, nessuna di esse
puo' essere vinta senza determinazione, coraggio, e sacrificio,
senza le qualita' nobili che erano presenti qui sul campo del
Kosovo nei tempi andati. La nostra battaglia principale adesso
riguarda il raggiungimento della prosperita' economica, politica,
culturale, e sociale in genere, perche' si trovi un approccio piu'
veloce ed efficace verso la civilta' nella quale la gente vivra'
nel XXImo secolo. Per questa battaglia noi abbiamo sicuramente
bisogno di eroismo, naturalmente un eroismo di un tipo un po'
diverso; ma quel coraggio senza il quale non si ottiene
niente di serio e di grande resta resta immutato e resta
assolutamente necessario.
Sei secoli fa, la Serbia si e' eroicamente difesa sul campo del
Kosovo, ma ha anche difeso l'Europa. A quel tempo la Serbia era
il bastione a difesa della cultura, della religione, e della
societa' europea in generale. Percio' oggi ci sembra non solo
ingiusto, ma persino antistorico e del tutto assurdo parlare
della appartenenza della Serbia all'Europa. La Serbia e' stata
una parte dell'Europa incessantemente, ed ora tanto quanto nel
passato, ovviamente nella sua maniera specifica, ma in una
maniera che non l'ha mai privata di dignita' in senso storico.
E' con questo spirito che noi ci accingiamo adesso a costruire una
societa' ricca e democratica, contribuendo cosi' alla prosperita'
di questa bella terra, questa terra che ingiustamente soffre,
ma contribuendo anche agli sforzi di tutti i popoli della nostra
era lanciati verso il progresso, sforzi che essi compiono per un
mondo migliore e piu' felice.
Che la memoria dell'eroismo del Kosovo viva in eterno!
Viva la Serbia!
Viva la Jugoslavia!
Viva la pace e la fratellanza tra i popoli!
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
dinanzi ad un milione di persone convenute a Gazimestan,
nella piana di Campo dei Merli ("Kosovo Polje") il 28/6/1989,
nel seicentesimo anniversario della omonima battaglia
Fonte: National Technical Information Service, Dept. of Commerce, USA
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/facts/Milosevic-speech.html
Traduzione a cura del Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia,
luglio 1999 - http://www.marx2001.org/nuovaunita/jugo/crj/m_l/150799.htm
--
Circostanze sociali hanno fatto si che questo grande seicentesimo
anniversario della battaglia di Kosovo Polje abbia luogo in un
anno in cui la Serbia, dopo molti anni, dopo molte decadi, ha
riottenuto la sua integrita' statale, nazionale, e spirituale
[si riferisce alla abrogazione della "autonomia speciale", in
vigore nella regione del Kosovo dal 1974, che le garantiva uno
status di settima Repubblica jugoslava "de facto"; n.d.crj].
Percio' non e' difficile per noi oggi rispondere alla vecchia
domanda: come ci porremo davanti a Milos [Milos Obilic,
leggendario eroe della battaglia del Kosovo; n.d.crj]. Guardando a
tutto il corso della storia e della vita sembra che la Serbia abbia,
proprio in questo anno, nel 1989, riottenuto il suo Stato e la sua
dignita' e percio' che abbia celebrato un evento del passato
remoto che ha un grande significato storico e simbolico per il
suo futuro.
* La Liberazione come carattere proprio della Serbia
Oggi come oggi e' difficile dire quale sia la verita' storica
sulla battaglia del Kosovo e cosa sia solo leggenda. Oggi
come oggi questo non ha piu' importanza. Oppressa dalla
sofferenza e piena di fiducia, la popolazione era solita
rievocare e dimenticare, come in fondo tutte le popolazioni
del mondo fanno, e si vergognava del tradimento e glorificava
l'eroismo. Percio' e' difficile dire oggi se la battaglia del
Kosovo fu una sconfitta o una vittoria per la gente serba,
se grazie ad essa piombo' nella schiavitu' o se ne sottrasse
[lo smembramento del regno di Serbia come Stato avvenne infatti
solo settanta anni dopo; n.d.crj].
Le risposte a queste domande saranne sempre cercate dalla scienza e
dal popolo. Quello che e' stato certo attraverso i secoli fino al
nostro tempo e' che la discordia si abbatte' sul Kosovo seicento
anni fa. Se perdemmo la battaglia, non deve essere stato solamente
il risultato della superiorita' sociale e del vantaggio militare
dell'Impero Ottomano, ma anche della tragica divisione nella
leadership dello Stato serbo a quel tempo. In quel lontano 1389,
l'Impero Ottomano non fu solamente piu' forte di quello dei serbi
ma ebbe anche una sorte migliore che non il regno serbo.
La mancanza di unita' ed il tradimento in Kosovo continueranno ad
accompagnare il popolo serbo come un destino diabolico per tutto
il corso della sua storia [non a caso le "quattro esse"
cirilliche della bandiera tradizionale serba significano "Samo
Sloga Srbe Spasava", ovvero "solo la concordia salvera' i serbi";
n.d.crj]. Persino nell'ultima guerra, questa mancanza di unita'
ed il tradimento hanno gettato il popolo serbo e la Serbia in una
agonia, le conseguenze della quale in senso storico e morale hanno
sorpassato l'aggressione fascista [Milosevic si riferisce
evidentemente al patto sottoscritto dal governo Cvetkovic-Macek con
i nazisti, e forse anche al governo collaborazionista di Nedic
ed alla alleanza dei cetnici con il nazismo tedesco dopo la
capitolazione dell'Italia, in funzione anticomunista; n.d.crj].
Anche in seguito, quando fu messa in piedi la Jugoslavia socialista,
in questo nuovo Stato la leadership serba continuava ad essere
divisa, disposta al compromesso a detrimento del suo stesso
popolo. Le concessioni che molti leaders serbi fecero a spese del
loro popolo non erano storicamemte ne' eticamente accettabili
per alcuna nazione del mondo [si riferisce evidentemente alla
strutturazione della Serbia in Repubblica con due regione autonome
con diritto di veto, quasi Repubbliche a se' stanti; n.d.crj],
specialmente perche' i serbi non hanno mai fatto guerra di conquista
o sfruttato altri nel corso della loro storia. Il loro essere
nazionale e storico e' stato di carattere liberatorio durante tutti
i secoli e nel corso di entrambe le guerre mondiali, cosi' come
oggi. Hanno liberato se' stessi e quando hanno potuto hanno anche
aiutato altri a liberarsi. Il fatto che in questa regione siano
una nazionalita' maggioritaria non e' un peccato od una colpa dei
serbi: questo e' un vantaggio che essi non hanno usato contro
altri, ma devo dire che qui, in questo grande, leggendario Campo
dei Merli, i serbi non hanno usato il vantaggio di essere grandi
neppure a loro beneficio.
A causa dei loro leaders e dei loro uomini politici e di una
mentalita' succube si sentivano colpevoli dinanzi a loro stessi
ed agli altri. Questa situazione e' durata per decenni, e' durata
per anni, e ci ritroviamo adesso a Campo dei Merli a dire che le
cose ora stanno diversamente.
* L'unita' rendera' possibile la prosperita'
La divisione tra i politici serbi ha nuociuto alla Serbia, e la
loro inferiorita' l'ha umiliata. Percio', nessun posto in Serbia
e' piu' adeguato per affermare questo della piana del Kosovo, nessun
posto in Serbia e' piu' adeguato della piana del Kosovo per dire
che l'unita' in Serbia portera' la prosperita' al popolo serbo in
Serbia ed a ciascuno dei cittadini della Serbia, indipendentemente
dalla sua nazionalita' o dal credo religioso.
La Serbia oggi e' unita e pari alle altre repubbliche ed e'
pronta a fare ogni cosa per migliorare la sua posizione economica
e sociale, e quella dei suoi cittadini. Se c'e' unita', cooperazione
e serieta', si riuscira' nell'intento. Ecco perche' l'ottimismo
che e' oggi in larga misura presente in Serbia, riguardo al futuro,
e' realistico, anche perche' e' basato sulla liberta' che rende
possibile a tutta la popolazione di esprimere le sue capacita'
positive, creative ed umane, allo scopo di migliorare la vita
sociale e personale.
In Serbia non hanno mai vissuto solamente i serbi. Oggi, piu'
che nel passato, pure componenti di altri popoli e nazionalita'
ci vivono. Questo non e' uno svantaggio per la Serbia. Io sono
assolutamente convinto che questo e' un vantaggio. La composizione
nazionale di quasi tutti i paesi del mondo oggi, e soprattutto
di quelli sviluppati, si e' andata trasformando in questa
direzione. Cittadini di diverse nazionalita', religioni, e razze
sempre piu' spesso e con sempre maggior successo vivono insieme.
In particolare il socialismo, che e' una societa' democratica
progressista e giusta, non dovrebbe consentire alle genti di essere
divise sotto il profilo nazionale o sotto quelo religioso. Le sole
differenze che uno potrebbe e dovrebbe consentire nel socialismo
sono tra quelli che lavorano sodo ed i fannulloni, ovvero tra
gli onesti ed i disonesti. Percio', tutte le persone che in Serbia
vivono del loro lavoro, onestamente, rispettando le altre
persone e le altre nazionalita', vivono nella loro Repubblica.
* Le drammatiche divisioni nazionali
Dopotutto, l'intero nostro paese dovrebbe essere fondato sulla base
di questi principi. La Jugoslavia e' una comunita' multinazionale
e puo' sopravvivere solo alle condizioni della eguaglianza piena
per tutte le nazioni che ci vivono.
La crisi che ha colpito la Jugoslavia ha portato con se' divisioni
nazionali, ma anche sociali, culturali, religiose e molte altre,
meno importanti. Tra queste divisioni, quelle nazionalistiche hanno
dimostrato di essere le piu' drammatiche. Risolverle rendera' piu'
semplice rimuovere altre divisioni e mitigare le conseguenze che
esse hanno creato.
Da quando esistono le comunita' multinazionali, il loro punto
debole e' sempre stato nei rapporti tra le varie nazionalita'.
La minaccia e' che ad un certo punto emerga l'interrogativo se
una nazione sia messa in pericolo dalle altre - e questo puo' dare
il via ad una ondata di sospetti, di accuse, e di intolleranza,
una ondata che necessariamente cresce e si arresta con difficolta'.
Questa minaccia e' stata appesa come una spada sulle nostre teste
per tutto il tempo. Nemici interni ed esterni delle comunita'
multinazionali sono coscienti di questo e percio' organizzano la
loro attivita' contro le societa' multinazionali, soprattutto
fomentando i conflitti nazionali. A questo punto, noi qui in
Jugoslavia ci comportiamo come se non avessimo mai avuto una
esperienza del genere e come se nel nostro passato recente e
remoto non avessimo mai vissuto la peggiore tragedia, in tema
di conflitti nazionali, che una societa' possa mai vivere ed a
cui possa mai sopravvivere.
Rapporti equi ed armoniosi tra i popoli jugoslavi sono una
condizione necessaria per l'esistenza della Jugoslavia e perche'
essa trovi la sua via d'uscita dalla crisi, ed in particolare
essi sono condizione necessaria per la sua prosperita' economica e
sociale. A questo riguardo la Jugoslavia non si pone al di fuori
del contesto sociale del mondo contemporaneo, in particolare
di quello sviluppato. Questo mondo e' sempre piu' contrassegnato
dalla tolleranza tra nazioni, dalla cooperazione tra nazioni, ed
anche dalla eguaglianza tra nazioni. Il moderno sviluppo economico
e tecnologico, ed anche quello politico e culturale, hanno condotto
i vari popoli l'uno verso l'altro, rendendoli interdipendenti e
sempre piu' paritari. Popoli eguali ed uniti tra loro possono
soprattutto diventare parte della civilta' verso cui si dirige
il genere umano. Se noi non possiamo essere alla testa della
colonna che guida la suddetta civilta', sicuramente non c'e' nessuna
ragione nemmeno per rimanere in fondo.
Ai tempi di questa famosa battaglia combattuta nel Kosovo, le
genti guardavano alle stelle attendendosi aiuto da loro. Adesso,
sei secoli dopo, essi guardano ancora le stelle, in attesa di
conquistarle. Nel primo caso, potevano ancora permettersi di
essere disuniti e di coltivare odio e tradimento perche' vivevano
in mondi piu' piccoli, solo poco legati tra loro. Adesso, come
abitanti di questo pianeta, non possono conquistare nemmeno il
loro stesso pianeta se non sono uniti, per non parlare degli altri
pianeti, a meno che non vivano in mutua armonia e solidarieta'.
Percio', le parole dedicate all'unita', alla solidarieta', alla
cooperazione tra le genti non hanno significato piu' grande in
alcun luogo della nostra terra natia di quello che hanno qui,
sul campo del Kosovo, che e' simbolo di divisione e di tradimento.
Nella memoria del popolo serbo, questa disunione fu decisiva nel
causare la perdita della battaglia e nell'arrecare il destino che
che gravo' sulla Serbia per ben sei secoli.
Ma se pure da un punto di vista storico le cose non andarono cosi',
rimane certo che il popolo considero' la divisione come il
suo peggior flagello. Percio' e' un obbligo per il popolo
rimuovere le divisioni, cosi' da potersi proteggere dalle sconfitte,
dai fallimenti, e dalla sfiducia nel futuro.
* L'unita' riporta la dignita'
Quest'anno il popolo serbo ha compreso la necessita' della
mutua armonia come condizione indispensabile per la sua vita
presente e gli sviluppi futuri.
Io sono convinto che questa coscienza dell'armonia e dell'unita'
rendera' possibile alla Serbia non solo di funzionare in quanto
Stato ma di funzionare bene. Percio' io credo che abbia senso
dirlo qui, in Kosovo, dove quella divisione un tempo fece precipitare
la Serbia tragicamente all'indietro di secoli, mettendola a
repentaglio, e dove l'unita' rinnovata puo' farla avanzare e
farle riacquistare dignita'. Questa coscienza dei reciproci rapporti
costituisce una necessita' elementare anche per la Jugoslavia,
perche' il suo destino e' nelle mani unite di tutti i suoi popoli.
L'eroismo del Kosovo ha ispirato la nostra creativita' per sei
secoli, ed ha nutrito il nostro orgoglio e non ci consente di
dimenticare che un tempo fummo un'esercito grande, coraggioso,
ed orgoglioso, uno dei pochi che non si potevano vincere nemmeno
nella sconfitta.
Sei secoli dopo, adesso, noi veniamo nuovamente impegnati in
battaglie e dobbiamo affrontare battaglie. Non sono battaglie
armate, benche' queste non si possano ancora escludere.
Tuttavia, indipendentemente dal tipo di battaglie, nessuna di esse
puo' essere vinta senza determinazione, coraggio, e sacrificio,
senza le qualita' nobili che erano presenti qui sul campo del
Kosovo nei tempi andati. La nostra battaglia principale adesso
riguarda il raggiungimento della prosperita' economica, politica,
culturale, e sociale in genere, perche' si trovi un approccio piu'
veloce ed efficace verso la civilta' nella quale la gente vivra'
nel XXImo secolo. Per questa battaglia noi abbiamo sicuramente
bisogno di eroismo, naturalmente un eroismo di un tipo un po'
diverso; ma quel coraggio senza il quale non si ottiene
niente di serio e di grande resta resta immutato e resta
assolutamente necessario.
Sei secoli fa, la Serbia si e' eroicamente difesa sul campo del
Kosovo, ma ha anche difeso l'Europa. A quel tempo la Serbia era
il bastione a difesa della cultura, della religione, e della
societa' europea in generale. Percio' oggi ci sembra non solo
ingiusto, ma persino antistorico e del tutto assurdo parlare
della appartenenza della Serbia all'Europa. La Serbia e' stata
una parte dell'Europa incessantemente, ed ora tanto quanto nel
passato, ovviamente nella sua maniera specifica, ma in una
maniera che non l'ha mai privata di dignita' in senso storico.
E' con questo spirito che noi ci accingiamo adesso a costruire una
societa' ricca e democratica, contribuendo cosi' alla prosperita'
di questa bella terra, questa terra che ingiustamente soffre,
ma contribuendo anche agli sforzi di tutti i popoli della nostra
era lanciati verso il progresso, sforzi che essi compiono per un
mondo migliore e piu' felice.
Che la memoria dell'eroismo del Kosovo viva in eterno!
Viva la Serbia!
Viva la Jugoslavia!
Viva la pace e la fratellanza tra i popoli!
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
ALTRO CHE "CILIEGINE": ARAGOSTA E MOET CHANDON !
Questo è il menù di compleanno del pontefice (il 18 maggio ha compiuto
80
anni) servito al papa e ai suoi 115 commensali (tra cui 78 cardinali)
nella "Domus Sanctae Marthae" costruita apposta in Vaticano. Sei le
portate: antipasto di aragosta, gnocchetti di ricotta alla parmigiana,
risotto alla crema di scampi, filetto in crosta con asparagi all'agro e
nidini di spinaci, macedonia, torta "mimosa in fiore". Con due tipi di
vino ( "Santa Cristina" del'98 e "Villa Antinori" del'99), più uno
champagne "Moet & Chandon". Una domanda: che rapporto c'è tra i trionfi
del papa e la disperazione dei dannati della terra, assai cresciuta
nonostante i viaggi di Wojtyla nelle terre della fame? (t.d.f.)
(Notizia tratta dal quotidiano "il manifesto" di oggi 20 maggio 2000
pag.5/Mondo - trasmessa sulla lista Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Questo è il menù di compleanno del pontefice (il 18 maggio ha compiuto
80
anni) servito al papa e ai suoi 115 commensali (tra cui 78 cardinali)
nella "Domus Sanctae Marthae" costruita apposta in Vaticano. Sei le
portate: antipasto di aragosta, gnocchetti di ricotta alla parmigiana,
risotto alla crema di scampi, filetto in crosta con asparagi all'agro e
nidini di spinaci, macedonia, torta "mimosa in fiore". Con due tipi di
vino ( "Santa Cristina" del'98 e "Villa Antinori" del'99), più uno
champagne "Moet & Chandon". Una domanda: che rapporto c'è tra i trionfi
del papa e la disperazione dei dannati della terra, assai cresciuta
nonostante i viaggi di Wojtyla nelle terre della fame? (t.d.f.)
(Notizia tratta dal quotidiano "il manifesto" di oggi 20 maggio 2000
pag.5/Mondo - trasmessa sulla lista Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Della miseria della opposizione di destra in Serbia
Terza parte:
IL SOSTEGNO U.S.A. AI PARTITI ED AI MEDIA REAZIONARI
1. Interferenze esplicite del Dipartimento di Stato (Reuters 20/5/00)
2. Dibattito al Senato USA sull'appoggio alla "opposizione"
(29/7/99 - prima parte)
===
Europe, U.S. Back Further Protests Against Milosevic
4.01 a.m. ET (812 GMT) May 20, 2000
WASHINGTON (Reuters) — The United States and Europe
are coordinating initiatives to encourage strong
opposition among the Serb people to President Slobodan
Milosevic, top U.S. and European officials said.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Jaime Gama,
foreign minister of Portugal which holds the European
Union presidency, told reporters they were encouraged
by public protests against Milosevic, who this week
cracked down on the independent media.
In a meeting here to prepare for next month's EU-U.S.
summit in Lisbon, Albright said they discussed ways to
"increase our support for the courageous men and women
who are demanding their rights in the cities and towns
across Serbia.'' Gama said the EU was focusing its
cooperation with Yugoslavia on "the civil society,
independent media, opposition municipalities, thus
creating conditions for a strong opposition coming
into the streets and expressing the will of the
people.''
He added: "And that's happening these last recent
months, and that's a very effective symbol of a
concrete hope for that country.''
The United States has helped coordinate the opposition
to Milosevic, condemning him for fomenting a series of
wars in former Yugoslavia culminating in NATO's air
campaign that drove marauding Serbian forces out of
Kosovo province last year.
Senior U.S. officials have held a number of meetings
with the disparate groups that oppose Milosevic, but
have been frustrated in their attempts to help forge a
united front.
Albright is due to discuss the issue with NATO allies
and with Balkan countries surrounding Serbia when she
attends a meeting of alliance foreign ministers in
Florence next Wednesday and Thursday.
BOLSHEVIK-STYLE OPPRESSION
The State Department on Wednesday condemned the
overnight occupation of the main independent
television station as an act of "desperate
Bolshevik-style oppression.''
It said Washington was adding six judges and
prosecutors linked with the crackdown to its list of
those barred from getting U.S. visas, as well as the
families of several unnamed top government officials.
State Department spokesman Richard Boucher told a news
briefing Washington would encourage its European
allies to join in this action and said Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright would discuss these and other
"joint actions'' during a NATO meeting in Florence
next week.
Albright said Friday that she had discussed the issue
with Gama, and said European countries "will be
considering this step.''
The U.S. list includes 808 names, not including the
six names due to be added, and is very similar to the
EU list, U.S. officials said.
In Belgrade around 2,000 opposition supporters
gathered on Friday for a third day of protests against
the government's seizure of the television station,
Studio B, but the turnout looked much smaller than
during the previous two nights.
On Thursday, hundreds of riot police broke up a rally
of around 10,000 at the same place, firing tear gas
and using batons. Several people were injured in the
clashes.
The opposition has accused the leftist-nationalist
authorities of leading the Balkan country into a state
of emergency and open dictatorship by seizing the
station.
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Dear friends,
As the attack on Serbs and others continues in Kosovo and the US tries
to
assemble the forces to crush Serbia, it is very important to understand
just
how people like Richard Gelbard, formerly special Envoy to the Balkans,
view
the Serbian "Opposition." This is spelled out in detail in the text of
the
July 29, 1999 Senate hearings, supposedly concerning democratization of
Serbia. The text is most revealing. In it these officials state
plainly
that they view a CONTYROLLED opposition as a key part of their arsenal
of
weapons against Serbia. I have divided it into two emails, which follow.
Best regards,
Jared Israel
JULY 29, 1999, THURSDAY
HEARING OF THE EUROPEAN AFFAIRS SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE SENATE FOREIGN
RELATIONS
COMMITTEE
"PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY IN YUGOSLAVIA"
WITNESSES: ROBERT GELBARD, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT AND
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS
JAMES PARDEW, JR., DEPUTY SPECIAL ADVISOR TO THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY
OF
STATE FOR KOSOVO AND DAYTON IMPLEMENTATION
CHAIRED BY SENATOR GORDON SMITH (R-OR)
SEN. G. SMITH: (Sounds gavel.) Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I
apologize for our late beginning, but we are voting a lot today. But we
adjourn (sic) this Subcommittee on European Affairs to discuss the
prospects
for democracy in Yugoslavia and what the United States can do to assist
those
in Serbia who seek to oust the dictatorial regime of Slobodan Milosevic.
Our first panel consists of Ambassador Robert Gelbard, special
representative
of the president and the secretary of State for implementation of the
Dayton
peace accords, and Ambassador James Pardew, deputy special advisor to
the
president the secretary of State for Kosovo and Dayton implementation.
After we hear from administration representatives, the committee will
welcome
Ms. Sonja Biserko -- I apologize if my pronunciation is incorrect --
chairperson of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia; Mr.
James
Hooper, executive director of the Balkan Action Council [Hooper has been
adviser to the KLA]; Father Irinej Dobrijevic, executive director of the
Office of External Affairs of the Serbian Orthodox Church here in the
United
States; Mr. John Fox, director of the Washington office at the Open
Society
Institute. [Soros group]
This hearing, by the way, will be the first in a series for this
committee on
United States policy in the Balkans. This afternoon we're going to focus
specifically on what is happening in Serbia right now as opposition
parties
are rallying their supporters to take to the streets against Milosevic,
as
army reservists are launching protests after their return from Kosovo,
as the
Serbian Orthodox Church has at least spoken out in favor of replacing
the
regime for the good of the Serbian people. In the fall, we will examine
the
course of political and diplomatic events that led to the NATO bombing
in
Kosovo, as well as the lessons the United States and our NATO allies can
learn from the manner in which the war was waged. This has enormous
implications for NATO and its future. In addition, I'm pleased that
Senator
Rod Grams will convene a hearing in September to look into the response
of
UNHCR to the Kosovo- Albanian refugee crisis. I agree with Senator Grams
that
assessing the performance, both positive and negative, of UNHCR can be
useful, if and when we are faced with another refugee explosion in the
future.
I appreciate the willingness of all our witnesses today to appear before
the
committee to share their thoughts and expertise on the prospects for
democracy in Yugoslavia.
We have an opportunity in Yugoslavia that we must not let pass.
Milosevic has been weakened by the Serbian defeat in Kosovo. And I feel
that
for the first time, many average citizens of Yugoslavia have finally
decided
that they've had enough as well of his policies of repression and
destruction.
He is now vulnerable. But as we all know, he has managed to be in
vulnerable
positions before, always managing to outmaneuver his opponents. He seems
to
be able to divide and conquer that way.
Now that he has been indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal, I can only
imagine
that his desperation to hang on to power has intensified. Since the end
of
the war in Kosovo, opposition leaders in Serbia have launched
demonstrations
throughout the country. But thus far they have been unable to coordinate
their message or their actions to reach out to a broader segment of the
population.
If these opposition forces have any hope of ousting Mr. Milosevic, it
seems
obvious to me that they must put aside personal differences and
political
ambition and for the sake of their country work together.
Ambassador Gelbard, I know that you have been working very hard on this
issue. And I hope that in your comments you can offer me and other
members
who will join us some hope that we're moving in the right direction.
Furthermore, there are several other actors in this process: Montenegran
President Milo Djukanovic, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the student
movement
which was so active in the 1996-97 demonstrations, and organizations
like the
independent media and trade unions. I'm interested in exploring what
role
they can play in bringing about democratic change for Serbia.
I note that just yesterday the Foreign Relations Committee approved the
Serbian Democratization Act, legislation that was introduced by Senator
Helms
in March that I co-sponsored along with 11 other senators. Specifically,
the
legislation authorizes $100 million in democratic assistance to Serbia
over
the course of the next two years. This is critically important. We must
help
those who are trying to establish democracy in their country. I'm
pleased
that the administration agrees with this approach, and I understand that
tomorrow in Sarajevo the president will announce that the United States
will
dedicate $10 million for this purpose.
I encourage the administration to quickly identify appropriate
organizations
in Serbia so that this money can begin to have an effect as soon as
possible.
Milosevic must get this message: his days in power are over.
I believe we will soon be joined by Senator Biden and other members, but
without delay we will turn to you, Ambassador Gelbard, and we well
welcome
you and look forward to your remarks.
MR. GELBARD: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you particularly for giving
me
the opportunity once again to appear before the committee to discuss the
status of our efforts on democratization in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. With your permission, sir, I'd like to enter the full text
of
this statement for the record,
SEN. G. SMITH: Without objection, we'll receive that.
MR. GELBARD: This hearing comes at a moment of particular importance for
the
future of Yugoslavia and for the entire Southeast European region. The
success of the NATO air campaign, the deployment of KFOR, and the
establishment of the U.N. civil administration in Kosovo have left
President
Slobodan Milosevic weakened and his policies discredited domestically,
as
well as internationally.
Milosevic, as you said, Mr. Chairman, is now an international pariah and
an
indicted war criminal. While he and his regime remain in power in
Belgrade,
Serbia and the FRY cannot take their place among the community of
nations,
nor can they join the process of Euro- Atlantic integration symbolized
tomorrow by the Stability Pact summit in Sarajevo.
Our policy with regard to Serbia has been very clearly articulated by
President Clinton. As long as the Milosevic regime is in place, the
United
States will provide no reconstruction assistance to Serbia and we will
continue our policy of overall isolation. Although we continue to
provide the
people of Serbia with humanitarian assistance through international
organizations like UNHCR, we cannot allow Milosevic or his political
cronies
to benefit from our aid. Helping to rebuild Serbia's roads and bridges
would
funnel money directly into the pockets of Milosevic and his friends,
prolonging the current regime and denying
Serbia any hope of a brighter future. We must keep Milosevic isolated.
Our European allies agree fully with this approach. We are working
closely
with them to coordinate our activities on Serbia and to deter any
attempt at
weakening the existing sanctions regime against the FRY.
Another key aspect of our policy on Serbia is to support the forces of
democratic change that exist within Serbian society. Serbia's citizens
have
spontaneously demonstrated their disgust for Milosevic and their hunger
for
democratic government by gathering in the streets of cities throughout
the
country for the last several weeks. Opposition parties, taking advantage
of
the popular sentiment against Milosevic, have organized their own
rallies and
are beginning to mobilize for a larger effort in the fall. Serbia's
independent media are also attempting to struggle out from under the
weight
of a draconian and repressive media law. These are all very positive
signs,
and we want to nurture them.
At the same time, however, I do not want to overemphasize the
possibility
that the Milosevic regime will fall soon. Milosevic continues to hold
the
main levers of power in his hands, most importantly the army, the police
and
the state-owned media. Overcoming these obstacles would be difficult
even for
a united opposition in Serbia, but sadly the Serbian opposition remains
far
from united.
In all our dealings with Serbian opposition leaders -- and I am in
regular
contact with every segment of the democratic opposition -- we have urged
them
to overcome the politics of ego and to work together instead for the
common
good of Serbia and their people. I have repeatedly told opposition
leaders --
and I want to emphasize here that the United States, and the
international
community more broadly, cannot do their job for them.
Change in Serbia must come from within, not from the outside, which
means
from us. We can buttress the opposition's efforts; we can provide
training
and technical assistance to opposition parties; we can even provide
equipment, and we can help widen the reach of the independent media, but
we
cannot win the hearts and minds of the Serbian people. That can only
happen
if the opposition unites around a strong platform for positive change, a
platform that must emphasize the destructive nature of Milosevic's
policies
and presents a viable democratic alternative. It's not for us to pick a
single winner out of the opposition pack. It is for them to combine
their
different strengths in service for a great goal.
Having said that, I would like to outline for you where we are focusing
our
efforts and in what ways we are promoting democratization in the FRY.
Regardless of whether Milosevic stays or goes in the very short term,
our
support for democratic forces is an investment in Serbia's and
Yugoslavia's
future.
I should note, in fact, that we are not beginning from ground zero by
any
means here. In the two years leading up to the Kosovo crisis, we spent
$16.5
million on programs in support of Serbia democratization. The beginning
of
the conflict in Kosovo and the subsequent closure of our embassy in
Belgrade
by necessity cut short some of our programs, but we're now revitalizing
our
democracy support as quickly as possible.
I would divide the U.S. government's efforts on Serbia democratization
into
five categories. First, as I noted at the beginning, we are making sure
that
Milosevic remains completely isolated. This involves not just our
sanctions
policy, which means three levels of sanctions, starting with the outer
wall,
the Kosovo- related sanctions started a year and a half ago, and then
the
wartime sanctions, including the fuel embargo, but also the visa ban,
which
has had a demonstrably negative effect on members of the Milosevic
regime
psychologically and in real terms, and, of course, the The Hague
Tribunal
indictments.
Second, we are beginning to assist a wide array of democratic groups,
including NGOs, political parties, independent media, youth
organizations and
independent labor unions, as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman. Third, we are
consulting closely with European allies in order to coordinate our
activities
both on Kosovo and on Serbia democratization generally. Fourth, we are
encouraging the active engagement of regional countries in Southeast
Europe,
and particularly the neighbors, to harness their expertise with
democratization and transition. And fifth, we're providing strong
support for
the reform government in the FRY Republic of Montenegro.
I would like to discuss briefly some of these tracks in greater detail.
As I
mentioned, over the past two years U.S. agencies such as AID, as well as
NGOs
such as the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican
Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy have spent $16.5
million
on projects aimed at the development of democratic governance and civil
society in the FRY. The situation this year was complicated by the
outbreak
of the conflict in Kosovo, but we still have money available in the
pipeline
for immediate use on Serbian democratization projects, and we're using
it
right now.
I am working closely with the National Endowment family, including IRI
and
NDI, to explore the best ways to help the Serbian opposition and,
crucially,
to encourage all opposition groups to work together. The consensus among
the
experts is that opposition parties will be best served if we provide
them
with technical assistance and first-class political advice, the kinds
that
may seem commonplace to us but represent a whole different way of
thinking to
them.
Political parties are not the sole outlets for opposition in Serbia.
Youth
and student organizations, as well as independent labor unions, were
very
active in the '96-97 demonstrations in Serbia, and will undoubtedly be
important sources of mobilization in the future. The AFL-CIO's
Solidarity
Center has done good work with independent unions in Serbia and with our
support is now readying a new program for interaction.
On a larger economic scale, the Center for International Private
Enterprise
is preparing a program aimed at business leaders and independent
economists
in Serbia. Such economists, particularly those grouped under the G-17 in
Belgrade, are widely respected and influential in Serbian society.
In short, by working with these groups, we want to show the people of
Serbia
that our policy is not aimed against them but against their leadership.
With
regard to independent media, we are moving on two fronts. First, in
order to
increase the amount of objective news coverage reaching the Serbian
population, we are nearing completion of what we call the ring around
Serbia,
a network of transmitters that permits us to broadcast Voice of America,
Radio Free Europe, and other international news programs on FM
frequencies
throughout the country. RFE has now increased its Serbian language
broadcasting to 13-1/2 hours daily.
Perhaps even more important, however, we want to strengthen Serbia's own
independent media. Serbs, like Americans, prefer to get their news from
their
own sources, in their own context. To this end, AID, together with other
international donors, is reviewing a proposal by ANEM, the independent
electronic media network in Serbia, that would assist individual
television
and radio stations, as well as create new links among them.
Other programs to train journalists, support local print publications,
and
utilize Internet connections are also under consideration.
Overall, Mr. Chairman, I would add, as you know, that the administration
does
support the Serbian Democratization Act sponsored by Senator Helms and
you,
Mr. Chairman, and 11 others.
The second aspect of U.S. policy on Serbia that I'd like to highlight is
our
cooperation with the Europeans. The NATO alliance proved its strength
during
the Kosovo air campaign, and that solidarity has continued to be the
rule,
not the exception, in the post-conflict period. There are regular
consultations between Secretary Albright and her European colleagues on
issues related to both Kosovo and Serbia as well as periodic meetings at
the
expert level. The Western Europeans support our basic approach on Serbia
and
agree that isolating
Milosevic must be the cornerstone of our strategy.
We have pushed back on some efforts to lift selectively the oil embargo
and
provide fuel to opposition-controlled municipalities in Serbia, not
because
we object to helping opposition-run municipalities, but because oil is a
fungible commodity. And its distribution in Serbia would inevitably
benefit
Milosevic's regime. The Europeans, like us, are seeking the best ways to
promote democracy in Serbia. They are eager to coordinate their
democratization projects as well as to ensure that we are all sending
the
same message of unity to the Serbian opposition.
The third pillar of our policy is the effort to engage the countries of
Southeast Europe in the Serbia democratization process. Leaders of these
countries will meet together with Euro-Atlantic leaders tomorrow in
Sarajevo
under the rubric of the new stability pact for the region. At that
meeting
participants will reaffirm their commitment to democratic development
and
express their regret that the FRY cannot take its rightful place at the
summit because of the Milosevic regime.
We believe the countries of Central and Southeast Europe with their vast
experience in the transition to democratic and market- oriented
societies
have a great deal to offer the people of the FRY. We are encouraging
NGOs and
governments in the region to create links to democratic voices in Serbia
and
to share the benefits of the wisdom they've gained over the past decade.
Finally, in addition to our efforts to work with regional partners, we
assign
special importance to our cooperation with and support for the
government of
Montenegro.
This morning, I noticed an editorial in the Wall Street Journal accusing
the
United States of neglecting Montenegro, which I find astonishing in its
absolute incorrectness and the fact that it's totally wrong. We weren't
consulted on that editorial, of course. The fact is that over two years
ago
we recognized that Milo Djukanovic had the potential to become an
effective
counterweight to Milosevic and his authoritarian policies. I began
meeting
with Djukanovic regularly, even before he became the president of
Montenegro
a year and a half ago. I was with him during his inauguration when we
felt
that a strong international presence, a public presence, would deter a
Milosevic-inspired coup. The U.S. provided $20 million in budgetary
support
over the last several months, when no other countries stepped in to fill
the
gap, and we're prepared to do more.
We established a joint economic working group to discuss ways of
modernizing
the Montenegrin economy. We allowed Montenegrin-owned ships to enter
U.S.
ports during the conflict, and we provided a blanket waiver for
Montenegro
from FRY-related sanctions from the very beginning as a way of
stimulating
their economy.
Djukanovic has managed to craft a multi-ethnic democratic coalition
government that focused on political and economic reform and integration
with
the European mainstream. He and his government have consistently
demonstrated
courage and determination in implementing reform and in resisting
Belgrade's
attempts to strip Montenegro of its constitutional powers. As a result,
we
have steadily increased our support for Montenegro, providing financial
and
technical assistance as well as humanitarian assistance, with many
millions
of dollars through UNHCR.
Because the government of Montenegro represents the most credible and
powerful opposition force in the FRY today, we believe that President
Djukanovic and Montenegro can play a constructive role in promoting
democratic change in Serbia, too. While it's too small to change Serbia
directly, it can serve as a guiding light for the Serbian opposition.
What
Montenegro needs now is support from their European neighbors in
concrete
terms and particularly the same kind of sanctions waivers that we have
provided all along. We've urged the Europeans to take a more
forward-leaning
approach to Montenegro and come through in concrete terms.
Mr. Chairman, it's clear that we have not reached the point where we can
say
that Serbia is irreversibly on the road to democracy. Our efforts now,
however, can do two things. In the short term, we can help the
indigenous
Serbian opposition to focus their energies and more effectively
articulate
their anger and frustration of the Serbian public. In the longer term,
we can
cultivate and strengthen these forces that will carry the democracy
banner as
long as Milosevic remains in power. Both of these are important goals.
U.S.
leadership in this endeavor is critical, and your support is essential.
As I said, the proposed Serbian Democratization Act, which would
authorize
$100 million over two years for democratization projects, is an
excellent
example of the convergence of administration and congressional
perspectives
on the Serbia democracy issue. We look forward to working together with
Congress to bring democracy to Serbia and the entire Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia and restore real stability to the region......
[continued, following email]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Terza parte:
IL SOSTEGNO U.S.A. AI PARTITI ED AI MEDIA REAZIONARI
1. Interferenze esplicite del Dipartimento di Stato (Reuters 20/5/00)
2. Dibattito al Senato USA sull'appoggio alla "opposizione"
(29/7/99 - prima parte)
===
Europe, U.S. Back Further Protests Against Milosevic
4.01 a.m. ET (812 GMT) May 20, 2000
WASHINGTON (Reuters) — The United States and Europe
are coordinating initiatives to encourage strong
opposition among the Serb people to President Slobodan
Milosevic, top U.S. and European officials said.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Jaime Gama,
foreign minister of Portugal which holds the European
Union presidency, told reporters they were encouraged
by public protests against Milosevic, who this week
cracked down on the independent media.
In a meeting here to prepare for next month's EU-U.S.
summit in Lisbon, Albright said they discussed ways to
"increase our support for the courageous men and women
who are demanding their rights in the cities and towns
across Serbia.'' Gama said the EU was focusing its
cooperation with Yugoslavia on "the civil society,
independent media, opposition municipalities, thus
creating conditions for a strong opposition coming
into the streets and expressing the will of the
people.''
He added: "And that's happening these last recent
months, and that's a very effective symbol of a
concrete hope for that country.''
The United States has helped coordinate the opposition
to Milosevic, condemning him for fomenting a series of
wars in former Yugoslavia culminating in NATO's air
campaign that drove marauding Serbian forces out of
Kosovo province last year.
Senior U.S. officials have held a number of meetings
with the disparate groups that oppose Milosevic, but
have been frustrated in their attempts to help forge a
united front.
Albright is due to discuss the issue with NATO allies
and with Balkan countries surrounding Serbia when she
attends a meeting of alliance foreign ministers in
Florence next Wednesday and Thursday.
BOLSHEVIK-STYLE OPPRESSION
The State Department on Wednesday condemned the
overnight occupation of the main independent
television station as an act of "desperate
Bolshevik-style oppression.''
It said Washington was adding six judges and
prosecutors linked with the crackdown to its list of
those barred from getting U.S. visas, as well as the
families of several unnamed top government officials.
State Department spokesman Richard Boucher told a news
briefing Washington would encourage its European
allies to join in this action and said Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright would discuss these and other
"joint actions'' during a NATO meeting in Florence
next week.
Albright said Friday that she had discussed the issue
with Gama, and said European countries "will be
considering this step.''
The U.S. list includes 808 names, not including the
six names due to be added, and is very similar to the
EU list, U.S. officials said.
In Belgrade around 2,000 opposition supporters
gathered on Friday for a third day of protests against
the government's seizure of the television station,
Studio B, but the turnout looked much smaller than
during the previous two nights.
On Thursday, hundreds of riot police broke up a rally
of around 10,000 at the same place, firing tear gas
and using batons. Several people were injured in the
clashes.
The opposition has accused the leftist-nationalist
authorities of leading the Balkan country into a state
of emergency and open dictatorship by seizing the
station.
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Dear friends,
As the attack on Serbs and others continues in Kosovo and the US tries
to
assemble the forces to crush Serbia, it is very important to understand
just
how people like Richard Gelbard, formerly special Envoy to the Balkans,
view
the Serbian "Opposition." This is spelled out in detail in the text of
the
July 29, 1999 Senate hearings, supposedly concerning democratization of
Serbia. The text is most revealing. In it these officials state
plainly
that they view a CONTYROLLED opposition as a key part of their arsenal
of
weapons against Serbia. I have divided it into two emails, which follow.
Best regards,
Jared Israel
JULY 29, 1999, THURSDAY
HEARING OF THE EUROPEAN AFFAIRS SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE SENATE FOREIGN
RELATIONS
COMMITTEE
"PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY IN YUGOSLAVIA"
WITNESSES: ROBERT GELBARD, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT AND
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS
JAMES PARDEW, JR., DEPUTY SPECIAL ADVISOR TO THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY
OF
STATE FOR KOSOVO AND DAYTON IMPLEMENTATION
CHAIRED BY SENATOR GORDON SMITH (R-OR)
SEN. G. SMITH: (Sounds gavel.) Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I
apologize for our late beginning, but we are voting a lot today. But we
adjourn (sic) this Subcommittee on European Affairs to discuss the
prospects
for democracy in Yugoslavia and what the United States can do to assist
those
in Serbia who seek to oust the dictatorial regime of Slobodan Milosevic.
Our first panel consists of Ambassador Robert Gelbard, special
representative
of the president and the secretary of State for implementation of the
Dayton
peace accords, and Ambassador James Pardew, deputy special advisor to
the
president the secretary of State for Kosovo and Dayton implementation.
After we hear from administration representatives, the committee will
welcome
Ms. Sonja Biserko -- I apologize if my pronunciation is incorrect --
chairperson of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia; Mr.
James
Hooper, executive director of the Balkan Action Council [Hooper has been
adviser to the KLA]; Father Irinej Dobrijevic, executive director of the
Office of External Affairs of the Serbian Orthodox Church here in the
United
States; Mr. John Fox, director of the Washington office at the Open
Society
Institute. [Soros group]
This hearing, by the way, will be the first in a series for this
committee on
United States policy in the Balkans. This afternoon we're going to focus
specifically on what is happening in Serbia right now as opposition
parties
are rallying their supporters to take to the streets against Milosevic,
as
army reservists are launching protests after their return from Kosovo,
as the
Serbian Orthodox Church has at least spoken out in favor of replacing
the
regime for the good of the Serbian people. In the fall, we will examine
the
course of political and diplomatic events that led to the NATO bombing
in
Kosovo, as well as the lessons the United States and our NATO allies can
learn from the manner in which the war was waged. This has enormous
implications for NATO and its future. In addition, I'm pleased that
Senator
Rod Grams will convene a hearing in September to look into the response
of
UNHCR to the Kosovo- Albanian refugee crisis. I agree with Senator Grams
that
assessing the performance, both positive and negative, of UNHCR can be
useful, if and when we are faced with another refugee explosion in the
future.
I appreciate the willingness of all our witnesses today to appear before
the
committee to share their thoughts and expertise on the prospects for
democracy in Yugoslavia.
We have an opportunity in Yugoslavia that we must not let pass.
Milosevic has been weakened by the Serbian defeat in Kosovo. And I feel
that
for the first time, many average citizens of Yugoslavia have finally
decided
that they've had enough as well of his policies of repression and
destruction.
He is now vulnerable. But as we all know, he has managed to be in
vulnerable
positions before, always managing to outmaneuver his opponents. He seems
to
be able to divide and conquer that way.
Now that he has been indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal, I can only
imagine
that his desperation to hang on to power has intensified. Since the end
of
the war in Kosovo, opposition leaders in Serbia have launched
demonstrations
throughout the country. But thus far they have been unable to coordinate
their message or their actions to reach out to a broader segment of the
population.
If these opposition forces have any hope of ousting Mr. Milosevic, it
seems
obvious to me that they must put aside personal differences and
political
ambition and for the sake of their country work together.
Ambassador Gelbard, I know that you have been working very hard on this
issue. And I hope that in your comments you can offer me and other
members
who will join us some hope that we're moving in the right direction.
Furthermore, there are several other actors in this process: Montenegran
President Milo Djukanovic, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the student
movement
which was so active in the 1996-97 demonstrations, and organizations
like the
independent media and trade unions. I'm interested in exploring what
role
they can play in bringing about democratic change for Serbia.
I note that just yesterday the Foreign Relations Committee approved the
Serbian Democratization Act, legislation that was introduced by Senator
Helms
in March that I co-sponsored along with 11 other senators. Specifically,
the
legislation authorizes $100 million in democratic assistance to Serbia
over
the course of the next two years. This is critically important. We must
help
those who are trying to establish democracy in their country. I'm
pleased
that the administration agrees with this approach, and I understand that
tomorrow in Sarajevo the president will announce that the United States
will
dedicate $10 million for this purpose.
I encourage the administration to quickly identify appropriate
organizations
in Serbia so that this money can begin to have an effect as soon as
possible.
Milosevic must get this message: his days in power are over.
I believe we will soon be joined by Senator Biden and other members, but
without delay we will turn to you, Ambassador Gelbard, and we well
welcome
you and look forward to your remarks.
MR. GELBARD: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you particularly for giving
me
the opportunity once again to appear before the committee to discuss the
status of our efforts on democratization in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. With your permission, sir, I'd like to enter the full text
of
this statement for the record,
SEN. G. SMITH: Without objection, we'll receive that.
MR. GELBARD: This hearing comes at a moment of particular importance for
the
future of Yugoslavia and for the entire Southeast European region. The
success of the NATO air campaign, the deployment of KFOR, and the
establishment of the U.N. civil administration in Kosovo have left
President
Slobodan Milosevic weakened and his policies discredited domestically,
as
well as internationally.
Milosevic, as you said, Mr. Chairman, is now an international pariah and
an
indicted war criminal. While he and his regime remain in power in
Belgrade,
Serbia and the FRY cannot take their place among the community of
nations,
nor can they join the process of Euro- Atlantic integration symbolized
tomorrow by the Stability Pact summit in Sarajevo.
Our policy with regard to Serbia has been very clearly articulated by
President Clinton. As long as the Milosevic regime is in place, the
United
States will provide no reconstruction assistance to Serbia and we will
continue our policy of overall isolation. Although we continue to
provide the
people of Serbia with humanitarian assistance through international
organizations like UNHCR, we cannot allow Milosevic or his political
cronies
to benefit from our aid. Helping to rebuild Serbia's roads and bridges
would
funnel money directly into the pockets of Milosevic and his friends,
prolonging the current regime and denying
Serbia any hope of a brighter future. We must keep Milosevic isolated.
Our European allies agree fully with this approach. We are working
closely
with them to coordinate our activities on Serbia and to deter any
attempt at
weakening the existing sanctions regime against the FRY.
Another key aspect of our policy on Serbia is to support the forces of
democratic change that exist within Serbian society. Serbia's citizens
have
spontaneously demonstrated their disgust for Milosevic and their hunger
for
democratic government by gathering in the streets of cities throughout
the
country for the last several weeks. Opposition parties, taking advantage
of
the popular sentiment against Milosevic, have organized their own
rallies and
are beginning to mobilize for a larger effort in the fall. Serbia's
independent media are also attempting to struggle out from under the
weight
of a draconian and repressive media law. These are all very positive
signs,
and we want to nurture them.
At the same time, however, I do not want to overemphasize the
possibility
that the Milosevic regime will fall soon. Milosevic continues to hold
the
main levers of power in his hands, most importantly the army, the police
and
the state-owned media. Overcoming these obstacles would be difficult
even for
a united opposition in Serbia, but sadly the Serbian opposition remains
far
from united.
In all our dealings with Serbian opposition leaders -- and I am in
regular
contact with every segment of the democratic opposition -- we have urged
them
to overcome the politics of ego and to work together instead for the
common
good of Serbia and their people. I have repeatedly told opposition
leaders --
and I want to emphasize here that the United States, and the
international
community more broadly, cannot do their job for them.
Change in Serbia must come from within, not from the outside, which
means
from us. We can buttress the opposition's efforts; we can provide
training
and technical assistance to opposition parties; we can even provide
equipment, and we can help widen the reach of the independent media, but
we
cannot win the hearts and minds of the Serbian people. That can only
happen
if the opposition unites around a strong platform for positive change, a
platform that must emphasize the destructive nature of Milosevic's
policies
and presents a viable democratic alternative. It's not for us to pick a
single winner out of the opposition pack. It is for them to combine
their
different strengths in service for a great goal.
Having said that, I would like to outline for you where we are focusing
our
efforts and in what ways we are promoting democratization in the FRY.
Regardless of whether Milosevic stays or goes in the very short term,
our
support for democratic forces is an investment in Serbia's and
Yugoslavia's
future.
I should note, in fact, that we are not beginning from ground zero by
any
means here. In the two years leading up to the Kosovo crisis, we spent
$16.5
million on programs in support of Serbia democratization. The beginning
of
the conflict in Kosovo and the subsequent closure of our embassy in
Belgrade
by necessity cut short some of our programs, but we're now revitalizing
our
democracy support as quickly as possible.
I would divide the U.S. government's efforts on Serbia democratization
into
five categories. First, as I noted at the beginning, we are making sure
that
Milosevic remains completely isolated. This involves not just our
sanctions
policy, which means three levels of sanctions, starting with the outer
wall,
the Kosovo- related sanctions started a year and a half ago, and then
the
wartime sanctions, including the fuel embargo, but also the visa ban,
which
has had a demonstrably negative effect on members of the Milosevic
regime
psychologically and in real terms, and, of course, the The Hague
Tribunal
indictments.
Second, we are beginning to assist a wide array of democratic groups,
including NGOs, political parties, independent media, youth
organizations and
independent labor unions, as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman. Third, we are
consulting closely with European allies in order to coordinate our
activities
both on Kosovo and on Serbia democratization generally. Fourth, we are
encouraging the active engagement of regional countries in Southeast
Europe,
and particularly the neighbors, to harness their expertise with
democratization and transition. And fifth, we're providing strong
support for
the reform government in the FRY Republic of Montenegro.
I would like to discuss briefly some of these tracks in greater detail.
As I
mentioned, over the past two years U.S. agencies such as AID, as well as
NGOs
such as the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican
Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy have spent $16.5
million
on projects aimed at the development of democratic governance and civil
society in the FRY. The situation this year was complicated by the
outbreak
of the conflict in Kosovo, but we still have money available in the
pipeline
for immediate use on Serbian democratization projects, and we're using
it
right now.
I am working closely with the National Endowment family, including IRI
and
NDI, to explore the best ways to help the Serbian opposition and,
crucially,
to encourage all opposition groups to work together. The consensus among
the
experts is that opposition parties will be best served if we provide
them
with technical assistance and first-class political advice, the kinds
that
may seem commonplace to us but represent a whole different way of
thinking to
them.
Political parties are not the sole outlets for opposition in Serbia.
Youth
and student organizations, as well as independent labor unions, were
very
active in the '96-97 demonstrations in Serbia, and will undoubtedly be
important sources of mobilization in the future. The AFL-CIO's
Solidarity
Center has done good work with independent unions in Serbia and with our
support is now readying a new program for interaction.
On a larger economic scale, the Center for International Private
Enterprise
is preparing a program aimed at business leaders and independent
economists
in Serbia. Such economists, particularly those grouped under the G-17 in
Belgrade, are widely respected and influential in Serbian society.
In short, by working with these groups, we want to show the people of
Serbia
that our policy is not aimed against them but against their leadership.
With
regard to independent media, we are moving on two fronts. First, in
order to
increase the amount of objective news coverage reaching the Serbian
population, we are nearing completion of what we call the ring around
Serbia,
a network of transmitters that permits us to broadcast Voice of America,
Radio Free Europe, and other international news programs on FM
frequencies
throughout the country. RFE has now increased its Serbian language
broadcasting to 13-1/2 hours daily.
Perhaps even more important, however, we want to strengthen Serbia's own
independent media. Serbs, like Americans, prefer to get their news from
their
own sources, in their own context. To this end, AID, together with other
international donors, is reviewing a proposal by ANEM, the independent
electronic media network in Serbia, that would assist individual
television
and radio stations, as well as create new links among them.
Other programs to train journalists, support local print publications,
and
utilize Internet connections are also under consideration.
Overall, Mr. Chairman, I would add, as you know, that the administration
does
support the Serbian Democratization Act sponsored by Senator Helms and
you,
Mr. Chairman, and 11 others.
The second aspect of U.S. policy on Serbia that I'd like to highlight is
our
cooperation with the Europeans. The NATO alliance proved its strength
during
the Kosovo air campaign, and that solidarity has continued to be the
rule,
not the exception, in the post-conflict period. There are regular
consultations between Secretary Albright and her European colleagues on
issues related to both Kosovo and Serbia as well as periodic meetings at
the
expert level. The Western Europeans support our basic approach on Serbia
and
agree that isolating
Milosevic must be the cornerstone of our strategy.
We have pushed back on some efforts to lift selectively the oil embargo
and
provide fuel to opposition-controlled municipalities in Serbia, not
because
we object to helping opposition-run municipalities, but because oil is a
fungible commodity. And its distribution in Serbia would inevitably
benefit
Milosevic's regime. The Europeans, like us, are seeking the best ways to
promote democracy in Serbia. They are eager to coordinate their
democratization projects as well as to ensure that we are all sending
the
same message of unity to the Serbian opposition.
The third pillar of our policy is the effort to engage the countries of
Southeast Europe in the Serbia democratization process. Leaders of these
countries will meet together with Euro-Atlantic leaders tomorrow in
Sarajevo
under the rubric of the new stability pact for the region. At that
meeting
participants will reaffirm their commitment to democratic development
and
express their regret that the FRY cannot take its rightful place at the
summit because of the Milosevic regime.
We believe the countries of Central and Southeast Europe with their vast
experience in the transition to democratic and market- oriented
societies
have a great deal to offer the people of the FRY. We are encouraging
NGOs and
governments in the region to create links to democratic voices in Serbia
and
to share the benefits of the wisdom they've gained over the past decade.
Finally, in addition to our efforts to work with regional partners, we
assign
special importance to our cooperation with and support for the
government of
Montenegro.
This morning, I noticed an editorial in the Wall Street Journal accusing
the
United States of neglecting Montenegro, which I find astonishing in its
absolute incorrectness and the fact that it's totally wrong. We weren't
consulted on that editorial, of course. The fact is that over two years
ago
we recognized that Milo Djukanovic had the potential to become an
effective
counterweight to Milosevic and his authoritarian policies. I began
meeting
with Djukanovic regularly, even before he became the president of
Montenegro
a year and a half ago. I was with him during his inauguration when we
felt
that a strong international presence, a public presence, would deter a
Milosevic-inspired coup. The U.S. provided $20 million in budgetary
support
over the last several months, when no other countries stepped in to fill
the
gap, and we're prepared to do more.
We established a joint economic working group to discuss ways of
modernizing
the Montenegrin economy. We allowed Montenegrin-owned ships to enter
U.S.
ports during the conflict, and we provided a blanket waiver for
Montenegro
from FRY-related sanctions from the very beginning as a way of
stimulating
their economy.
Djukanovic has managed to craft a multi-ethnic democratic coalition
government that focused on political and economic reform and integration
with
the European mainstream. He and his government have consistently
demonstrated
courage and determination in implementing reform and in resisting
Belgrade's
attempts to strip Montenegro of its constitutional powers. As a result,
we
have steadily increased our support for Montenegro, providing financial
and
technical assistance as well as humanitarian assistance, with many
millions
of dollars through UNHCR.
Because the government of Montenegro represents the most credible and
powerful opposition force in the FRY today, we believe that President
Djukanovic and Montenegro can play a constructive role in promoting
democratic change in Serbia, too. While it's too small to change Serbia
directly, it can serve as a guiding light for the Serbian opposition.
What
Montenegro needs now is support from their European neighbors in
concrete
terms and particularly the same kind of sanctions waivers that we have
provided all along. We've urged the Europeans to take a more
forward-leaning
approach to Montenegro and come through in concrete terms.
Mr. Chairman, it's clear that we have not reached the point where we can
say
that Serbia is irreversibly on the road to democracy. Our efforts now,
however, can do two things. In the short term, we can help the
indigenous
Serbian opposition to focus their energies and more effectively
articulate
their anger and frustration of the Serbian public. In the longer term,
we can
cultivate and strengthen these forces that will carry the democracy
banner as
long as Milosevic remains in power. Both of these are important goals.
U.S.
leadership in this endeavor is critical, and your support is essential.
As I said, the proposed Serbian Democratization Act, which would
authorize
$100 million over two years for democratization projects, is an
excellent
example of the convergence of administration and congressional
perspectives
on the Serbia democracy issue. We look forward to working together with
Congress to bring democracy to Serbia and the entire Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia and restore real stability to the region......
[continued, following email]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Della miseria della opposizione di destra in Serbia
Quarta parte:
DIBATTITO AL SENATO U.S.A. (2/2; per la parte 1/2 si veda:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/221?&start=218 )
===
Part 2 of Senate Hearings
Ambassador Gelbard, I wonder if Balkan ghosts are still alive even in
Serbia
that these opposition forces can actually unite to extricate Mr.
Milosevic,
what are the odds? I mean, you see it happening? There's a number of
parties
here:
Mr. Draskovic, Mr. Djindjic. I mean, can they put aside personal
ambition for
national good in this effort?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, Mr. Chairman, one thing I've learned after a
number
of years working in the Balkans is that I don't give odds.
SEN. SMITH: (Laughs.)
MR. GELBARD: I like to be pleasantly surprised, if that should happen.
The biggest obstacle right now, as I said, has been the fractiousness of
some
elements of the opposition and the possibility that they may not have
learned
from the mistakes they committed in the past, where they allowed their
egos,
personal differences, and perhaps even some ideological differences to
get in
the way from achieving the ultimate goal that they all say they desire.
As
you know, Mr. Chairman, and as Senator Biden knows very well, the
Zajedno
group blew their opportunity during the winter of '96-'97, when they had
victory in their hands. And a principal reason for that was, indeed, the
personality differences between Draskovic and Djindjic. Over the last
year
and a half some elements of the opposition appear to have learned from
this.
Several coalition groups have developed in a very positive way,
including the
Alliance For Change, the Alliance For Democratic Political Parties, and
others. And their message appears to be a constructive one, a
forward-looking
one about the future that could be that of Serbia and the FRY.
Our message to the opposition has been that this time they need to learn
from
the mistakes of the past because they have such an extraordinary
opportunity
now, and they need to find a way, if they can't construct a single
opposition
front, then at least to develop a loose coalition that follows the same
line
to avoid undercutting each other. There have been a number of
non-aggression
pacts signed among opposition groups and parties, so far. That's a
positive
sign, and we think it's critical that they continue to move forward on
this
kind of code of conduct, as well as similar platforms in their
demonstrations
as they move forward.
SEN. G. SMITH: As you look into the future, you think of Montenegro and
what
they're doing, is Montenegro something of a model for how Kosovo could
develop?
And is Montenegro likely to go independent as well?
MR. GELBARD: Well first, we have, as I said in my written testimony,
continued to point to the government, the ruling party, the ruling
coalition
in Montenegro as the right kind of example for Serbia in the sense that
they
have developed a multi-ethnic democratic coalition, which, incidentally,
includes Serbs, Montenegrans, Albanians, Bosniacs, lots of others. In
that
sense, we would hope that the Serbian political parties and NGOs, labor
unions and the like, could learn from this.
And it's very interesting for me that Serb opposition leaders really
look up
to President Djukanovic, not just because he's 6'-5", but because he is
somebody who clearly has demonstrated a willingness and an ability to
construct a democratic coalition that functions and that pursues
free-market
economic policies. So we certainly hope that whether it's the people of
Serbia and their leadership, their political parties, or in Kosovo, that
this
can be a kind of example.
At the same time, our preference, of course strong preference, as I have
repeatedly told President Djukanovic, is for Montenegro to remain an
integral
part of the The --
SEN. G. SMITH: Is that likely, or what do you suspect is happening?
MR. GELBARD: Well, President Djukanovic is looking for a fairer deal
under
the constitution that exists.
The constitution itself isn't bad. It has been the way Milosevic has
twisted
it over the last seven or eight years. And Djukanovic is now looking for
more
autonomy under this constitution, as a way of keeping Montenegro inside
of
Yugoslavia, and we don't disagree with that.
We want to continue to see Montenegro as part of Yugoslavia. And we feel
that
a country made up of equal republics is a reasonable and decent way to
go.
SEN. G. SMITH: Ambassador Pardew, without a democratic change in
Belgrade --
I mean, is it realistic for Kosovo to be a truly autonomous province of
Serbia?
MR. PARDEW: On the long run, we have to have a democratic change in
Belgrade.
We are going to do everything that we possibly can to create the
institutions
of democracy in Kosovo with or without regard to what happens in
Belgrade.
But you're right; there are limits to how far you can go with the
current
regime in Belgrade. So I agree with you.
SEN. G. SMITH: Senator Biden?
SEN. BIDEN: Gentlemen, they are both good statements I believe -- and so
much
to ask. Let me start by picking up where the chairman left off.
Montenegro has basically issued an ultimatum to Serbia. And it says
that: "We
want greater autonomy. We want to be able to conduct relations with
other
countries without Belgrade's interference." And it set a deadline for
that to
occur. They are going to hold a referendum. That's been pushed back
until, as
I understand it, until September, the ultimatum.
I don't know where that goes. I mean, Milosevic, it seems to me, if he
accedes to that, demonstrates he has even less power than he's trying to
portray he has hold of, and if he doesn't, there's nothing he can do to
stop
what Montenegro's going to do. And I don't know how they stop that from
rolling down the -- that ball from rolling. Would you comment on that,
Ambassador Gelbard?
MR. GELBARD: First, under the constitution of the FRY, the federal
constitution, and under Montenegro's constitution, they do have certain
rights which go further than we would normally expect part of a
sovereign
state to have. For example, they do have legitimately their own foreign
minister and ability to conduct some foreign policy functions
constitutionally. They also have the right to have a referendum on
independence under their constitution.
My sense is that right now the vote would not go in favor of
independence.
But what's very clear, Senator, is that Milosevic has been the one who
has
pushed the Montenegrin people in this direction over the course of the
last
two years. As I mentioned in my testimony, Milosevic and his puppet, the
former president of Montenegro, Momir Bulatovic, tried to overthrow
Djukanovic before he was inaugurated as president on June 15th, 1998.
They
also increased the size of the army, the VJ, in Montenegro during the
conflict in Kosovo from 9,500, which is its usual size, up to 40,000 by
adding on reservists and some other regular army personnel. And it was a
very
delicate dance that took place there between the VJ and the police,
which
come under the Montenegrin government.
I think Milosevic knew that if the army tried to overthrow Djukanovic,
there
was likely to be civil war, the army was likely to fracture; and the
police
are quite strong. Nonetheless, the Montenegrin government is showing
prudence
in how it's trying to proceed. Djukanovic, by his own public statements,
has
said that he doesn't want independence; what he wants is equal
opportunity
inside of the FRY.
SEN. BIDEN: But he's threatened a referendum, hasn't he?
MR. GELBARD: He's threatened a referendum, which, as I said, is
legitimate
under their constitution.
SEN. BIDEN: Yeah.
MR. GELBARD: So I wouldn't want to give you a hypothetical answer about
where
this is going.
But Djukanovic is trying to keep his coalition to gether, he's trying to
cope
with the significantly increased percentage of the population who are
now
tremendously frustrated by Milosevic's boycotts and blockades against
the
Montenegrin people, and I think President Djukanovic deserves a great
deal of
credit for trying to walk a very delicate line right now, even as he's
trying
to stay inside Yugoslavia.
SEN. BIDEN: Great non-answer. (Laughter.) And I appreciate it very much.
It
seems to me, because I'm not a diplomat and most people don't care about
foreign policy and they forget what I have to say anyway --
MR. GELBARD: I never do, Senator.
SEN. BIDEN: It seems to me that Djukanovic has himself -- and I'm not
being
critical of him -- I mean, I think he's looking around and saying, "How
do I
cut my deal so that I get a major piece of this reconstruction that's
going
to go on in the Balkans here?" Not a whole lot that Serbia can do to
block
access now; boycotts are aren't going to matter a whole lot if, in fact,
they
attempt to.
And I just wonder how this is playing in Belgrade, whether or not they
fear a
referendum or Djukanovic fears a referendum more than Belgrade fears a
referendum, but you've -- you know, you've answered it as you probably
should.
We talk about -- Ambassador Pardew -- we talk about supporting the
media, a
free and open media. How? How do we do that? I thought you had said
that, or
maybe you said that --
MR. PARDEW: Yes. Yes.
SEN. BIDEN: Either one of you or both of you. Mechanically, how do we do
that?
MR. PARDEW: Well, we work through nongovernmental organizations. We have
established, as Ambassador Gelbard mentioned, a ring around Serbia,
which is
using international broadcasts, but we're offering that to independent
voices
in Serbia. We are using international facilities to make -- and making
them
available to independent groups.
SEN. BIDEN: Let me put it another way. We can make facilities available;
are
we prepared to shut down facilities that spew propaganda?
MR. GELBARD: Well, we have, senator.
SEN. BIDEN: We have. I mean --
MR. GELBARD: During the --
SEN. BIDEN: -- over the long haul? Is this the --
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, during the conflict in Kosovo we and our
allies --
SEN. BIDEN: No, I know that. I want to know from now.
MR. GELBARD: Well, the -- as far as I'm aware, Serb television has still
been
cut off the (EUTELSAT ?) facilities, and we've made sure that whenever
they
made an attempt -- and there was a brief moment when they got back on
another
satellite -- we shut them off those. What we're really trying to do, the
use
of the international facilities that Ambassador Pardew referred to,
particularly the RFE, RL, and the ring around Serbia, is a temporary
measure.
What we're trying to do over the long term is support an alternative
indigenous voice for the Serbian people through mechanisms such as ANEM,
the
Network of Independent Radio and Television. We have funds available
that we
were just about to deliver when the conflict broke out and Milosevic
switched
them off. But we have funds available that we are on the verge of
providing
to them again so that independent television and radio can be augmented
throughout Serbia. We're supporting Montenegran television and radio so
that
they can be another voice for the Serb opposition and the Serb people as
well
as, of course, for the Montenegran people. And we're looking at other
means
to really augment the capability or start up again the capability of
free
Serbian voices inside of Serbia.
MR. PARDEW: Can I add to that, senator?
SEN. BIDEN: Yes.
MR. PARDEW: We are -- the international community is promoting printing
of
newspapers that were previously printed in Kosovo now being printed in
Macedonia and distributed in Kosovo free of charge. You will hear from
John
Fox (sp) later, I think, from the Soros Foundation. They've been
instrumental
in putting funding in to independent radio in Kosovo. We encourage that.
The
former Serbian radio and TV in Pristina has been taken over by the
international community, and we've denied one access to one group to
dominate
that because we don't want a single voice, and we will ensure that there
are
multiple voices on this.
So there are a range of programs ongoing in Kosovo, as Bob mentioned.
SEN. BIDEN: What can we do about inside Serbia? For example, Draskovic
continues to deny access to Studio B, which is supposedly, as I
understand it
-- he's not?
MR. GELBARD: No, he's actually given access to Studio B -- excuse me;
given
access of Studio B to Radio B-92. And my understanding is that Radio
B-92,
one of the independent voices, has just reopened as Radio B-292. We want
Draskovic to open up Studio B to the rest of the opposition, and that's
a
message that he'll be getting from us in the next few days.
SEN. BIDEN: Last question, if I may, Mr. Chairman?
SEN. G. SMITH: Sure.
SEN. BIDEN: We all say, including me, that ultimately there is no
long-term
integration of the Balkans into an undivided Europe until Milosevic
goes. I
wonder whether we're saying that too much these days, including me. Let
me be
more precise.
As long as there is success in Sarajevo today -- I guess it's today or
tomorrow -- tomorrow, as long as the commitments are real, as long as
the
civilian police force is put in place, the media is not dominated, the
reconstruction of Kosovo and Macedonia and Montenegro and the
surrounding
areas really begins in earnest, with the European Community taking the
lead,
I don't know what Serbia can do, under Milosevic's leadership, that can
much
effect whether or not we succeed in that part. In other words,
admittedly, at
the end of the day, until the Serbian people have come to terms with
their
leadership and what was done, you can't have a solution here. But I
don't
know what Milosevic and an antagonistic Serbia can do, as a practical
matter,
to effect about 500 things we've got to do in the meantime anyway, to
begin
to put together, economically and politically, a larger plan for the
Balkans.
Am I missing something here?
MR. GELBARD: Senator, I believe that Milosevic has an infinite
capability for
creating damage. Even while he had so many problems at home, he tried to
overthrow the Dodik government, the moderate Bosnian Serb government in
Republika Srpska. We were able to stymie that, and the Dodik -- Dodik
and his
government emerged strong after the conflict --
SEN. BIDEN: Is that related to his ability if it -- when it was even a
possibility, to his ability to provide force to back up any effort that
would
be undertaken, ultimately? The ability to provide assistance?
MR. GELBARD: He still has the capability of providing force, not in
Bosnia,
but in Montenegro, and in his own perverse way --
SEN. BIDEN: How can he do that? Be specific --
MR. GELBARD: Through the army.
SEN. BIDEN: If in fact that occurs, I can't imagine that the
international
community and KFOR will not come down on that effort like a God- -- a
gosh-darn mountainside being blown up. I don't understand that. I mean,
do
you mean -- is there any doubt on the part of the alliance that if there
is
use of military force, of the VJ, in Montenegro, that we won't use all
force
available to us to take them out?
SEN. SMITH: Or are you telling us that we won't? I mean, I don't --
MR. GELBARD: I'm not certain that that is something which is in -- that
is
not necessarily in NATO's agreed NATO action at this point, or when the
current mandate terminates. If it isn't --
SEN. BIDEN: But --
MR. GELBARD: -- what I worry about is that Milosevic survives by
creating
trouble. He is in the worst trouble he's ever been. He's in a corner.
The
economy has collapsed totally. Real wages were at the same level as the
early
1950s before the conflict, and right now they have virtually no reserves
left. But this is why it is imperative to see a change in the regime, to
have
democratic government arrive in Belgrade as a way of having the region
whole.
That's why we --
SEN. BIDEN: I couldn't agree more, but let me --
MR. GELBARD: -- consider that to be an imperative in our foreign policy.
SEN. BIDEN: As you know, there has been no one that you have known in
Congress that has been more supportive of arriving at that conclusion,
but I
like to think I am a realist.
The idea that we are going to produce a democratic government in Serbia,
between now an d the end of the year, is about as likely as this podium
getting up and walking to the back of the room. And what I want to sort
of
disabuse everybody of here is a new State Department-arrived-at notion
that,
through State Department-speak, we are going to arrive at something
that's
not possible. The most likely thing to do is nail the son of a gun by
literally going in and getting him and dragging him to The Hague. If we
had a
brain in our collective heads, that's what we would do; literally, not
figuratively. But we are not going to do that because our European
friends
all lack the will, and we will lack the willingness to push that
forcefully.
And so I just hope that we make it clear that the idea that he may be
alive
and well in Serbia does not mean that we -- the isolation of Serbia and
him
in fact -- and him in particular does not allow us to pursue all our
other
objectives in the meantime. If they want to wither on the vine and die,
so be
it -- so be it -- which takes me to a question relating to aid.
We are saying -- we and the Europeans are saying that we will provide
humanitarian financial -- we are not planning financial assistance or
reconstruction aid but that we will provide humanitarian assistance. I
think
that is a very, very, very fine line to draw. And I think that we should
be
very aware that his ability to create mischief and gain credibility will
relate to how tightly we parse that.
How do we prevent Milosevic from claiming credit for Western assistance
to
Serbia, particularly when the media is still not a free media?
So I just -- I'm not even asking you to respond, because it's unfair. If
you'd like to, I'd welcome it. But I just think that this ain't over
till
it's over. It's not over till he's gone. But we cannot assume as long as
he's
[not?]gone we can hedge our assessment of what we're able to do outside
of
Serbia, in my humble opinion.
SEN. G. SMITH: I'd like to follow on to what Senator Biden is saying
here.
One of the reasons that I voted to support President Clinton and the
allies
in this action in Kosovo was my belief that if Milosevic could work this
kind
of mischief, we would be pinned down in Bosnia for a long, long, long
time,
and that by defanging his military, we could go home earlier. Is that a
naïve
belief on my part?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, to answer Senator Biden's question --
SEN. G. SMITH: And by the way, I think he's going to commit mischief if
we're
saying that we're not willing to do anything.
MR. GELBARD: First to answer Senator Biden, though, Senator, I agree
with you.
That's why we are continuing to press ahead on all other initiatives and
we're working with the Europeans on the stability pact, which is a
regional
effort, a regional approach regarding democracy, security and economic
development. And that's what we feel it has to be, a regional focus on
every
place.
The line -- the fine line you ask about, I agree with you again. That's
why,
again, we're not trying to play games on the issue of assistance; we're
saying humanitarian assistance means food and medicine. We have looked
at
other types of possible assistance, but we feel, as I said in my
statement,
that it's imperative to maintain the isolation with the three layers of
sanctions -- the outer wall, Kosovo-related sanctions, and the wartime
sanctions.
And the -- President Clinton and the administration, entire
administration,
feel very strongly that we should be maintaining all these sanctions
until --
as a way of maintaining this type of isolation, because you're right, it
would be very easy to begin to blur the line. And I know, as you know,
Senator, there are countries out there that are interested in moving
over
different lines over time.
SEN. BIDEN: And I'm worried about us setting the bar so high that we
build in
failure here, because if a year from now there is not democracy in
Serbia,
after we keep talking this claptrap about, you know, democratic -- there
aren't any democratic forces in Serbia now. Draskovic ain't a Democrat.
This
guy is no box of chocolates. He's better than the other guy, but this is
no
box of chocolates. I think we should be honest about this.
And look, just to make it clear to you where I am, and just speaking as
one
senator, there's a big difference between clearing the bridge -- the
bridge
debris out of the Danube so our allies can use the Danube, and building
a new
bridge. I'll clear it. I will do everything in my power here to make
sure
there's not a cent that can be spent to build it.
And I just think that they've got to come to their -- the realization of
what
they have enabled Milosevic to do, and until there are democratic forces
there, I am -- like for example, the press asks me all the time, we
voted 100
-- what was it? -- $100 million in the Serbian -- I don't know who to
give it
to? Okay?
I mean, I know how -- I know what I'd like to give it to. But we
Americans
tend to think, whether it was Ronald Reagan in, you know, in Latin
America or
us in the Balkans, that there's some Jeffersonian democrat waiting to
spring
up somewhere to lead a -- you know, a democratic rival there. There
ain't no
Democrats in Serbia, that I've found. I mean -- democratic leadership,
that
has any realistic possibility of moving. So I guess what I'm trying to
say to
you is this. I just think it's a little bit like -- the secretary got
mad at
me when I a month ago said stop talking about Rambouillet, stop talking
about
how we want to bring them back to the table. We don't want to bring them
back, we want to beat the hell ou t of them until they stop. That's what
we
want. And that's the only thing that worked.
And I think this idea that we're really in effect saying we're not going
to
succeed until we have a democratic Serbia, then that is ultimate
success. But
I'm afraid you're going to have people up here saying, well, geez, it's
been
-- it's been four months, you know? -- don't have it yet, so I guess we
shouldn't be spending all this money doing this other stuff over here.
MR. GELBARD: Well, in fact, I said in my statement that in the short
term
it's hard to imagine that it will be able to achieve a democratic
solution in
Serbia. That's why we have to be prepared to support democratic forces
--
SEN. BIDEN: And there are democratic forces.
MR. GELBARD: Well --
SEN. BIDEN: Ain't much democratic leadership.
MR. GELBARD: Tomorrow a representative of the democratic opposition,
Draguslav Ovramovic (sp), will be in Sarajevo for the summit. This is a
man
who is a very high common denominator. He is part of the alliance for
change.
Vuk Draskovic is a really flawed individual. But --
SEN. BIDEN: He is the Rasputin of the 21st century, about to be. I mean,
we're not quite there yet.
MR. GELBARD: I'll tell him you said it. (Laughs.)
SEN. BIDEN: I told him that.
MR. GELBARD: Yeah.
SEN. BIDEN: So I -- I'd tell him. I --
MR. GELBARD: We still hope that he can be part of the solution here --
SEN.
BIDEN: I hope so, too, but he's going to take work.
MR. GELBARD: Mr. Chairman -- he's going to take a lot of work.
SEN. BIDEN: That's a very high maintenance fellow.
MR. GELBARD: I know. Believe me, I know. (Laughs.)
Mr. Chairman, regarding your question, the -- (stops) -- the Republika
Srpska
has emerged, coming out of the conflict, if anything with significantly
strengthened moderate leadership. The Dodik government is stronger than
they
were at the beginning of the year. They are stronger than they were
after the
elections in September.
When I last met with Prime Minister Dodik, about a month ago, he was
much
more comfortable, much more confident about his ability to govern. We
are
seeing that the extremes, who were weakened after the September national
elections, are becoming weaker still. High Representative Carlos
Westendorp,
whose last day is tomorrow, banished President Poplasen, the leader of
the
Radical Party, from his position, and it's now very clear that his
Radical
Party is weaker than ever, as is Karadzic's SDS. We see prospects for
the
moderates better than ever. And while there's still a ways to go, the
prospects look much better.
SEN. G. SMITH: Thank you.
MR. PARDEW: Could I just comment on the democracy issue? We don't have
any
illusions about who we're dealing with here, but I do think democracy is
an
aspiration of many of the Serb people. And in that regard, I don't think
we
ought to stop talking about it, Senator. I think we ought to -- we ought
to
continue to discuss it as an issue of --
SEN. BIDEN: I'm not suggesting we don't talk about it; I'm suggesting we
talk
about it realistically. I mean, for example, it's amazing what can
happen
when you eliminate the extremes. I mean, the single best thing that ever
happened to the Republic of Srpska is we kicked the living hell out of
Milosevic. There ain't no alternative left. That's the reason why it
happened. It had nothing to do with elections, it had to do with the
fact
that Westendorp had the right idea, number one; and number two, there
ain't
no alternative. Belgrade's no beacon, no help, no place to go. So there
is no
alternative. It's amazing what a salutary impact that has upon extremes
in
countries.
And that's why the single best thing we -- my dream is to visit
Milosevic in
prison. (Laughter.) I mean that sincerely. I'm not being facetious.
Because
you put Milosevic in prison, and things in the region will change
drastically.
If you said to me, "You can leave him where he is or give him a plane
ticket
to take off to some -- like the former leader of Uganda, well, you know,
we
gave him -- what was his name? -- Idi Amin -- we can give him an "Idi
Amin
passport"
and he would leave; I'd say no, leave him there, leave him there till we
get
him. Put him in jail. Short of that, I don't know how we get to the
point.
And by the way, I often wondered, Karadzic's party, the SDS, the only
misnomer, it should have dropped the "D." I mean, these guys are BAD
guys.
BAD guys. They're no good. SEN. G. SMITH: When Senator Biden makes that
visit
to that prison, I want to be your junior companion.
Gentlemen, thank you very much for your testimony. We appreciate it.
SEN. BIDEN: Thanks.
END
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Quarta parte:
DIBATTITO AL SENATO U.S.A. (2/2; per la parte 1/2 si veda:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/221?&start=218 )
===
Part 2 of Senate Hearings
Ambassador Gelbard, I wonder if Balkan ghosts are still alive even in
Serbia
that these opposition forces can actually unite to extricate Mr.
Milosevic,
what are the odds? I mean, you see it happening? There's a number of
parties
here:
Mr. Draskovic, Mr. Djindjic. I mean, can they put aside personal
ambition for
national good in this effort?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, Mr. Chairman, one thing I've learned after a
number
of years working in the Balkans is that I don't give odds.
SEN. SMITH: (Laughs.)
MR. GELBARD: I like to be pleasantly surprised, if that should happen.
The biggest obstacle right now, as I said, has been the fractiousness of
some
elements of the opposition and the possibility that they may not have
learned
from the mistakes they committed in the past, where they allowed their
egos,
personal differences, and perhaps even some ideological differences to
get in
the way from achieving the ultimate goal that they all say they desire.
As
you know, Mr. Chairman, and as Senator Biden knows very well, the
Zajedno
group blew their opportunity during the winter of '96-'97, when they had
victory in their hands. And a principal reason for that was, indeed, the
personality differences between Draskovic and Djindjic. Over the last
year
and a half some elements of the opposition appear to have learned from
this.
Several coalition groups have developed in a very positive way,
including the
Alliance For Change, the Alliance For Democratic Political Parties, and
others. And their message appears to be a constructive one, a
forward-looking
one about the future that could be that of Serbia and the FRY.
Our message to the opposition has been that this time they need to learn
from
the mistakes of the past because they have such an extraordinary
opportunity
now, and they need to find a way, if they can't construct a single
opposition
front, then at least to develop a loose coalition that follows the same
line
to avoid undercutting each other. There have been a number of
non-aggression
pacts signed among opposition groups and parties, so far. That's a
positive
sign, and we think it's critical that they continue to move forward on
this
kind of code of conduct, as well as similar platforms in their
demonstrations
as they move forward.
SEN. G. SMITH: As you look into the future, you think of Montenegro and
what
they're doing, is Montenegro something of a model for how Kosovo could
develop?
And is Montenegro likely to go independent as well?
MR. GELBARD: Well first, we have, as I said in my written testimony,
continued to point to the government, the ruling party, the ruling
coalition
in Montenegro as the right kind of example for Serbia in the sense that
they
have developed a multi-ethnic democratic coalition, which, incidentally,
includes Serbs, Montenegrans, Albanians, Bosniacs, lots of others. In
that
sense, we would hope that the Serbian political parties and NGOs, labor
unions and the like, could learn from this.
And it's very interesting for me that Serb opposition leaders really
look up
to President Djukanovic, not just because he's 6'-5", but because he is
somebody who clearly has demonstrated a willingness and an ability to
construct a democratic coalition that functions and that pursues
free-market
economic policies. So we certainly hope that whether it's the people of
Serbia and their leadership, their political parties, or in Kosovo, that
this
can be a kind of example.
At the same time, our preference, of course strong preference, as I have
repeatedly told President Djukanovic, is for Montenegro to remain an
integral
part of the The --
SEN. G. SMITH: Is that likely, or what do you suspect is happening?
MR. GELBARD: Well, President Djukanovic is looking for a fairer deal
under
the constitution that exists.
The constitution itself isn't bad. It has been the way Milosevic has
twisted
it over the last seven or eight years. And Djukanovic is now looking for
more
autonomy under this constitution, as a way of keeping Montenegro inside
of
Yugoslavia, and we don't disagree with that.
We want to continue to see Montenegro as part of Yugoslavia. And we feel
that
a country made up of equal republics is a reasonable and decent way to
go.
SEN. G. SMITH: Ambassador Pardew, without a democratic change in
Belgrade --
I mean, is it realistic for Kosovo to be a truly autonomous province of
Serbia?
MR. PARDEW: On the long run, we have to have a democratic change in
Belgrade.
We are going to do everything that we possibly can to create the
institutions
of democracy in Kosovo with or without regard to what happens in
Belgrade.
But you're right; there are limits to how far you can go with the
current
regime in Belgrade. So I agree with you.
SEN. G. SMITH: Senator Biden?
SEN. BIDEN: Gentlemen, they are both good statements I believe -- and so
much
to ask. Let me start by picking up where the chairman left off.
Montenegro has basically issued an ultimatum to Serbia. And it says
that: "We
want greater autonomy. We want to be able to conduct relations with
other
countries without Belgrade's interference." And it set a deadline for
that to
occur. They are going to hold a referendum. That's been pushed back
until, as
I understand it, until September, the ultimatum.
I don't know where that goes. I mean, Milosevic, it seems to me, if he
accedes to that, demonstrates he has even less power than he's trying to
portray he has hold of, and if he doesn't, there's nothing he can do to
stop
what Montenegro's going to do. And I don't know how they stop that from
rolling down the -- that ball from rolling. Would you comment on that,
Ambassador Gelbard?
MR. GELBARD: First, under the constitution of the FRY, the federal
constitution, and under Montenegro's constitution, they do have certain
rights which go further than we would normally expect part of a
sovereign
state to have. For example, they do have legitimately their own foreign
minister and ability to conduct some foreign policy functions
constitutionally. They also have the right to have a referendum on
independence under their constitution.
My sense is that right now the vote would not go in favor of
independence.
But what's very clear, Senator, is that Milosevic has been the one who
has
pushed the Montenegrin people in this direction over the course of the
last
two years. As I mentioned in my testimony, Milosevic and his puppet, the
former president of Montenegro, Momir Bulatovic, tried to overthrow
Djukanovic before he was inaugurated as president on June 15th, 1998.
They
also increased the size of the army, the VJ, in Montenegro during the
conflict in Kosovo from 9,500, which is its usual size, up to 40,000 by
adding on reservists and some other regular army personnel. And it was a
very
delicate dance that took place there between the VJ and the police,
which
come under the Montenegrin government.
I think Milosevic knew that if the army tried to overthrow Djukanovic,
there
was likely to be civil war, the army was likely to fracture; and the
police
are quite strong. Nonetheless, the Montenegrin government is showing
prudence
in how it's trying to proceed. Djukanovic, by his own public statements,
has
said that he doesn't want independence; what he wants is equal
opportunity
inside of the FRY.
SEN. BIDEN: But he's threatened a referendum, hasn't he?
MR. GELBARD: He's threatened a referendum, which, as I said, is
legitimate
under their constitution.
SEN. BIDEN: Yeah.
MR. GELBARD: So I wouldn't want to give you a hypothetical answer about
where
this is going.
But Djukanovic is trying to keep his coalition to gether, he's trying to
cope
with the significantly increased percentage of the population who are
now
tremendously frustrated by Milosevic's boycotts and blockades against
the
Montenegrin people, and I think President Djukanovic deserves a great
deal of
credit for trying to walk a very delicate line right now, even as he's
trying
to stay inside Yugoslavia.
SEN. BIDEN: Great non-answer. (Laughter.) And I appreciate it very much.
It
seems to me, because I'm not a diplomat and most people don't care about
foreign policy and they forget what I have to say anyway --
MR. GELBARD: I never do, Senator.
SEN. BIDEN: It seems to me that Djukanovic has himself -- and I'm not
being
critical of him -- I mean, I think he's looking around and saying, "How
do I
cut my deal so that I get a major piece of this reconstruction that's
going
to go on in the Balkans here?" Not a whole lot that Serbia can do to
block
access now; boycotts are aren't going to matter a whole lot if, in fact,
they
attempt to.
And I just wonder how this is playing in Belgrade, whether or not they
fear a
referendum or Djukanovic fears a referendum more than Belgrade fears a
referendum, but you've -- you know, you've answered it as you probably
should.
We talk about -- Ambassador Pardew -- we talk about supporting the
media, a
free and open media. How? How do we do that? I thought you had said
that, or
maybe you said that --
MR. PARDEW: Yes. Yes.
SEN. BIDEN: Either one of you or both of you. Mechanically, how do we do
that?
MR. PARDEW: Well, we work through nongovernmental organizations. We have
established, as Ambassador Gelbard mentioned, a ring around Serbia,
which is
using international broadcasts, but we're offering that to independent
voices
in Serbia. We are using international facilities to make -- and making
them
available to independent groups.
SEN. BIDEN: Let me put it another way. We can make facilities available;
are
we prepared to shut down facilities that spew propaganda?
MR. GELBARD: Well, we have, senator.
SEN. BIDEN: We have. I mean --
MR. GELBARD: During the --
SEN. BIDEN: -- over the long haul? Is this the --
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, during the conflict in Kosovo we and our
allies --
SEN. BIDEN: No, I know that. I want to know from now.
MR. GELBARD: Well, the -- as far as I'm aware, Serb television has still
been
cut off the (EUTELSAT ?) facilities, and we've made sure that whenever
they
made an attempt -- and there was a brief moment when they got back on
another
satellite -- we shut them off those. What we're really trying to do, the
use
of the international facilities that Ambassador Pardew referred to,
particularly the RFE, RL, and the ring around Serbia, is a temporary
measure.
What we're trying to do over the long term is support an alternative
indigenous voice for the Serbian people through mechanisms such as ANEM,
the
Network of Independent Radio and Television. We have funds available
that we
were just about to deliver when the conflict broke out and Milosevic
switched
them off. But we have funds available that we are on the verge of
providing
to them again so that independent television and radio can be augmented
throughout Serbia. We're supporting Montenegran television and radio so
that
they can be another voice for the Serb opposition and the Serb people as
well
as, of course, for the Montenegran people. And we're looking at other
means
to really augment the capability or start up again the capability of
free
Serbian voices inside of Serbia.
MR. PARDEW: Can I add to that, senator?
SEN. BIDEN: Yes.
MR. PARDEW: We are -- the international community is promoting printing
of
newspapers that were previously printed in Kosovo now being printed in
Macedonia and distributed in Kosovo free of charge. You will hear from
John
Fox (sp) later, I think, from the Soros Foundation. They've been
instrumental
in putting funding in to independent radio in Kosovo. We encourage that.
The
former Serbian radio and TV in Pristina has been taken over by the
international community, and we've denied one access to one group to
dominate
that because we don't want a single voice, and we will ensure that there
are
multiple voices on this.
So there are a range of programs ongoing in Kosovo, as Bob mentioned.
SEN. BIDEN: What can we do about inside Serbia? For example, Draskovic
continues to deny access to Studio B, which is supposedly, as I
understand it
-- he's not?
MR. GELBARD: No, he's actually given access to Studio B -- excuse me;
given
access of Studio B to Radio B-92. And my understanding is that Radio
B-92,
one of the independent voices, has just reopened as Radio B-292. We want
Draskovic to open up Studio B to the rest of the opposition, and that's
a
message that he'll be getting from us in the next few days.
SEN. BIDEN: Last question, if I may, Mr. Chairman?
SEN. G. SMITH: Sure.
SEN. BIDEN: We all say, including me, that ultimately there is no
long-term
integration of the Balkans into an undivided Europe until Milosevic
goes. I
wonder whether we're saying that too much these days, including me. Let
me be
more precise.
As long as there is success in Sarajevo today -- I guess it's today or
tomorrow -- tomorrow, as long as the commitments are real, as long as
the
civilian police force is put in place, the media is not dominated, the
reconstruction of Kosovo and Macedonia and Montenegro and the
surrounding
areas really begins in earnest, with the European Community taking the
lead,
I don't know what Serbia can do, under Milosevic's leadership, that can
much
effect whether or not we succeed in that part. In other words,
admittedly, at
the end of the day, until the Serbian people have come to terms with
their
leadership and what was done, you can't have a solution here. But I
don't
know what Milosevic and an antagonistic Serbia can do, as a practical
matter,
to effect about 500 things we've got to do in the meantime anyway, to
begin
to put together, economically and politically, a larger plan for the
Balkans.
Am I missing something here?
MR. GELBARD: Senator, I believe that Milosevic has an infinite
capability for
creating damage. Even while he had so many problems at home, he tried to
overthrow the Dodik government, the moderate Bosnian Serb government in
Republika Srpska. We were able to stymie that, and the Dodik -- Dodik
and his
government emerged strong after the conflict --
SEN. BIDEN: Is that related to his ability if it -- when it was even a
possibility, to his ability to provide force to back up any effort that
would
be undertaken, ultimately? The ability to provide assistance?
MR. GELBARD: He still has the capability of providing force, not in
Bosnia,
but in Montenegro, and in his own perverse way --
SEN. BIDEN: How can he do that? Be specific --
MR. GELBARD: Through the army.
SEN. BIDEN: If in fact that occurs, I can't imagine that the
international
community and KFOR will not come down on that effort like a God- -- a
gosh-darn mountainside being blown up. I don't understand that. I mean,
do
you mean -- is there any doubt on the part of the alliance that if there
is
use of military force, of the VJ, in Montenegro, that we won't use all
force
available to us to take them out?
SEN. SMITH: Or are you telling us that we won't? I mean, I don't --
MR. GELBARD: I'm not certain that that is something which is in -- that
is
not necessarily in NATO's agreed NATO action at this point, or when the
current mandate terminates. If it isn't --
SEN. BIDEN: But --
MR. GELBARD: -- what I worry about is that Milosevic survives by
creating
trouble. He is in the worst trouble he's ever been. He's in a corner.
The
economy has collapsed totally. Real wages were at the same level as the
early
1950s before the conflict, and right now they have virtually no reserves
left. But this is why it is imperative to see a change in the regime, to
have
democratic government arrive in Belgrade as a way of having the region
whole.
That's why we --
SEN. BIDEN: I couldn't agree more, but let me --
MR. GELBARD: -- consider that to be an imperative in our foreign policy.
SEN. BIDEN: As you know, there has been no one that you have known in
Congress that has been more supportive of arriving at that conclusion,
but I
like to think I am a realist.
The idea that we are going to produce a democratic government in Serbia,
between now an d the end of the year, is about as likely as this podium
getting up and walking to the back of the room. And what I want to sort
of
disabuse everybody of here is a new State Department-arrived-at notion
that,
through State Department-speak, we are going to arrive at something
that's
not possible. The most likely thing to do is nail the son of a gun by
literally going in and getting him and dragging him to The Hague. If we
had a
brain in our collective heads, that's what we would do; literally, not
figuratively. But we are not going to do that because our European
friends
all lack the will, and we will lack the willingness to push that
forcefully.
And so I just hope that we make it clear that the idea that he may be
alive
and well in Serbia does not mean that we -- the isolation of Serbia and
him
in fact -- and him in particular does not allow us to pursue all our
other
objectives in the meantime. If they want to wither on the vine and die,
so be
it -- so be it -- which takes me to a question relating to aid.
We are saying -- we and the Europeans are saying that we will provide
humanitarian financial -- we are not planning financial assistance or
reconstruction aid but that we will provide humanitarian assistance. I
think
that is a very, very, very fine line to draw. And I think that we should
be
very aware that his ability to create mischief and gain credibility will
relate to how tightly we parse that.
How do we prevent Milosevic from claiming credit for Western assistance
to
Serbia, particularly when the media is still not a free media?
So I just -- I'm not even asking you to respond, because it's unfair. If
you'd like to, I'd welcome it. But I just think that this ain't over
till
it's over. It's not over till he's gone. But we cannot assume as long as
he's
[not?]gone we can hedge our assessment of what we're able to do outside
of
Serbia, in my humble opinion.
SEN. G. SMITH: I'd like to follow on to what Senator Biden is saying
here.
One of the reasons that I voted to support President Clinton and the
allies
in this action in Kosovo was my belief that if Milosevic could work this
kind
of mischief, we would be pinned down in Bosnia for a long, long, long
time,
and that by defanging his military, we could go home earlier. Is that a
naïve
belief on my part?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, to answer Senator Biden's question --
SEN. G. SMITH: And by the way, I think he's going to commit mischief if
we're
saying that we're not willing to do anything.
MR. GELBARD: First to answer Senator Biden, though, Senator, I agree
with you.
That's why we are continuing to press ahead on all other initiatives and
we're working with the Europeans on the stability pact, which is a
regional
effort, a regional approach regarding democracy, security and economic
development. And that's what we feel it has to be, a regional focus on
every
place.
The line -- the fine line you ask about, I agree with you again. That's
why,
again, we're not trying to play games on the issue of assistance; we're
saying humanitarian assistance means food and medicine. We have looked
at
other types of possible assistance, but we feel, as I said in my
statement,
that it's imperative to maintain the isolation with the three layers of
sanctions -- the outer wall, Kosovo-related sanctions, and the wartime
sanctions.
And the -- President Clinton and the administration, entire
administration,
feel very strongly that we should be maintaining all these sanctions
until --
as a way of maintaining this type of isolation, because you're right, it
would be very easy to begin to blur the line. And I know, as you know,
Senator, there are countries out there that are interested in moving
over
different lines over time.
SEN. BIDEN: And I'm worried about us setting the bar so high that we
build in
failure here, because if a year from now there is not democracy in
Serbia,
after we keep talking this claptrap about, you know, democratic -- there
aren't any democratic forces in Serbia now. Draskovic ain't a Democrat.
This
guy is no box of chocolates. He's better than the other guy, but this is
no
box of chocolates. I think we should be honest about this.
And look, just to make it clear to you where I am, and just speaking as
one
senator, there's a big difference between clearing the bridge -- the
bridge
debris out of the Danube so our allies can use the Danube, and building
a new
bridge. I'll clear it. I will do everything in my power here to make
sure
there's not a cent that can be spent to build it.
And I just think that they've got to come to their -- the realization of
what
they have enabled Milosevic to do, and until there are democratic forces
there, I am -- like for example, the press asks me all the time, we
voted 100
-- what was it? -- $100 million in the Serbian -- I don't know who to
give it
to? Okay?
I mean, I know how -- I know what I'd like to give it to. But we
Americans
tend to think, whether it was Ronald Reagan in, you know, in Latin
America or
us in the Balkans, that there's some Jeffersonian democrat waiting to
spring
up somewhere to lead a -- you know, a democratic rival there. There
ain't no
Democrats in Serbia, that I've found. I mean -- democratic leadership,
that
has any realistic possibility of moving. So I guess what I'm trying to
say to
you is this. I just think it's a little bit like -- the secretary got
mad at
me when I a month ago said stop talking about Rambouillet, stop talking
about
how we want to bring them back to the table. We don't want to bring them
back, we want to beat the hell ou t of them until they stop. That's what
we
want. And that's the only thing that worked.
And I think this idea that we're really in effect saying we're not going
to
succeed until we have a democratic Serbia, then that is ultimate
success. But
I'm afraid you're going to have people up here saying, well, geez, it's
been
-- it's been four months, you know? -- don't have it yet, so I guess we
shouldn't be spending all this money doing this other stuff over here.
MR. GELBARD: Well, in fact, I said in my statement that in the short
term
it's hard to imagine that it will be able to achieve a democratic
solution in
Serbia. That's why we have to be prepared to support democratic forces
--
SEN. BIDEN: And there are democratic forces.
MR. GELBARD: Well --
SEN. BIDEN: Ain't much democratic leadership.
MR. GELBARD: Tomorrow a representative of the democratic opposition,
Draguslav Ovramovic (sp), will be in Sarajevo for the summit. This is a
man
who is a very high common denominator. He is part of the alliance for
change.
Vuk Draskovic is a really flawed individual. But --
SEN. BIDEN: He is the Rasputin of the 21st century, about to be. I mean,
we're not quite there yet.
MR. GELBARD: I'll tell him you said it. (Laughs.)
SEN. BIDEN: I told him that.
MR. GELBARD: Yeah.
SEN. BIDEN: So I -- I'd tell him. I --
MR. GELBARD: We still hope that he can be part of the solution here --
SEN.
BIDEN: I hope so, too, but he's going to take work.
MR. GELBARD: Mr. Chairman -- he's going to take a lot of work.
SEN. BIDEN: That's a very high maintenance fellow.
MR. GELBARD: I know. Believe me, I know. (Laughs.)
Mr. Chairman, regarding your question, the -- (stops) -- the Republika
Srpska
has emerged, coming out of the conflict, if anything with significantly
strengthened moderate leadership. The Dodik government is stronger than
they
were at the beginning of the year. They are stronger than they were
after the
elections in September.
When I last met with Prime Minister Dodik, about a month ago, he was
much
more comfortable, much more confident about his ability to govern. We
are
seeing that the extremes, who were weakened after the September national
elections, are becoming weaker still. High Representative Carlos
Westendorp,
whose last day is tomorrow, banished President Poplasen, the leader of
the
Radical Party, from his position, and it's now very clear that his
Radical
Party is weaker than ever, as is Karadzic's SDS. We see prospects for
the
moderates better than ever. And while there's still a ways to go, the
prospects look much better.
SEN. G. SMITH: Thank you.
MR. PARDEW: Could I just comment on the democracy issue? We don't have
any
illusions about who we're dealing with here, but I do think democracy is
an
aspiration of many of the Serb people. And in that regard, I don't think
we
ought to stop talking about it, Senator. I think we ought to -- we ought
to
continue to discuss it as an issue of --
SEN. BIDEN: I'm not suggesting we don't talk about it; I'm suggesting we
talk
about it realistically. I mean, for example, it's amazing what can
happen
when you eliminate the extremes. I mean, the single best thing that ever
happened to the Republic of Srpska is we kicked the living hell out of
Milosevic. There ain't no alternative left. That's the reason why it
happened. It had nothing to do with elections, it had to do with the
fact
that Westendorp had the right idea, number one; and number two, there
ain't
no alternative. Belgrade's no beacon, no help, no place to go. So there
is no
alternative. It's amazing what a salutary impact that has upon extremes
in
countries.
And that's why the single best thing we -- my dream is to visit
Milosevic in
prison. (Laughter.) I mean that sincerely. I'm not being facetious.
Because
you put Milosevic in prison, and things in the region will change
drastically.
If you said to me, "You can leave him where he is or give him a plane
ticket
to take off to some -- like the former leader of Uganda, well, you know,
we
gave him -- what was his name? -- Idi Amin -- we can give him an "Idi
Amin
passport"
and he would leave; I'd say no, leave him there, leave him there till we
get
him. Put him in jail. Short of that, I don't know how we get to the
point.
And by the way, I often wondered, Karadzic's party, the SDS, the only
misnomer, it should have dropped the "D." I mean, these guys are BAD
guys.
BAD guys. They're no good. SEN. G. SMITH: When Senator Biden makes that
visit
to that prison, I want to be your junior companion.
Gentlemen, thank you very much for your testimony. We appreciate it.
SEN. BIDEN: Thanks.
END
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
A.A.A. OCCASIONISSIMA
Vendesi prezzo stracciato Costituzione repubblica "fondata sul lavoro"
cinquantenne come nuova (usata pochissimo) causa ingombro in guerre di
aggressione contro paesi vicini. Rivolgersi: Ciampi Azeglio, Piazza del
Quirinale, Roma, Stati Uniti d'America
To sell: Constitution of a Republic "based on its citizen's work", 50
years old but looks like new (scarcely used). Reason: uncomfortable in
case of aggressions to nearby countries. Inquiries to: Ciampi Azeglio,
Quirinale Square, Rome, U.S.A.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Vendesi prezzo stracciato Costituzione repubblica "fondata sul lavoro"
cinquantenne come nuova (usata pochissimo) causa ingombro in guerre di
aggressione contro paesi vicini. Rivolgersi: Ciampi Azeglio, Piazza del
Quirinale, Roma, Stati Uniti d'America
To sell: Constitution of a Republic "based on its citizen's work", 50
years old but looks like new (scarcely used). Reason: uncomfortable in
case of aggressions to nearby countries. Inquiries to: Ciampi Azeglio,
Quirinale Square, Rome, U.S.A.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* ROMA - TRIESTE - UDINE - TORINO
* 3 GIUGNO 2000: "TRIBUNALE CLARK"
* 11 GIUGNO 2000: "ROMPERE L'EMBARGO"
NOTA: Il 1 Giugno l'Iniziativa di Vicenza è Rinviata
Per problemi tecnici l'iniziativa del 1 giugno a Vicenza è rinviata. Per
Informazioni: sparta@...
===
ROMA
Libreria Internazionale «il manifesto"Via Tomacelli 144 - Roma
Giovedì 25 Maggio alle ore 17.00
“ORIZZONTI JUGOSLAVI”
Quale ricostruzione in Serbia?Quale futuro per i profughi dal Kosovo?
A nome dei lavoratori e degli sfollati, porteranno lo loro
testimonianza:Sreten MILICEVIC, presidente sindacato ZASTAVA autoveicoli
Svetlana ZIRKOVIC, ex direttrice della scuola di Economia di Urosevac
Dragan PETKOVIC, ex avvocato di Pristina
Parteciperanno al successivo dibattito:Fabio Alberti, (Un Ponte per…),
Tommaso Di Francesco, (il manifesto),
Carlo Pona, (Servizio Civile Internazionale),
Loris Campetti, (il manifesto)
“Un Ponte per…” associazione di volontariato per la solidarietà
internazionalevia della Guglia, 69/a – 00186 – Roma – tel. 066780808
===
TRIESTE
Internazionalismo e solidarietà wrote:
>
> L'Associazione "Internazionalismo e solidarietà" aderisce
> all'appello e sarà presente all'assemblea nazionale del
> Tribunale Clark a Roma il 3 giugno.
> Diamo inoltre comunicazione dell'iniziativa prevista a Trieste il
> 26 maggio prossimo.
>
> p. l'ass.
> Giorgio Ellero
> Trieste
> <glr_y@...>
>
> -----------------------------------------------------------
>
> TRIBUNALE CLARK:
>
> INCONTRO A TRIESTE IL 26 MAGGIO 2000
>
> L' Associazione Internazionalismo e solidarietà
> promuove l'iniziativa pubblica :
>
> IL "TRIBUNALE INTERNAZIONALE CLARK"
>
> E LA GUERRA DELLA NATO NEI BALCANI
>
> Saranno discusse le conseguenze ambientali dei
> bombardamenti, gli aspetti giuridici dell'intervento e l'uso
> dell'informazione prima, durante e dopo la primavera del '99.
>
> Interverranno :
>
> Carlo PONA - Per il Tribunale Clark - fisico
>
> Predrag POLIC - Professore di Chimica applicata presso
> l'Università di Belgrado;
>
> Andrea MARTOCCHIA - Per il Comitato Scienziate/i contro la
> guerra - fisico
>
> Pasquale VILARDO - Per il Tribunale Clark - avvocato
>
> L'incontro si terrà presso l'Aula Magna del Dipartimento di
> Storia dell'Università di Trieste, androna Economo 4,
> Venerdi' 26 maggio 2000 alle ore 16.30.
>
> -----------------------------------------------------------end
===
UDINE
IL VIAGGIO DELL'URANIO
Da Aviano a Belgrado una lunga scia di veleni
Attraverso l'Adriatico, fino ai Balcani, i caccia NATO hanno ucciso
anche l'aria, l'acqua e la terra. Un dibattito sugli effetti ambientali
della guerra in Jugoslavia
moderatore: A. Misdariis - segr. circolo PRC Udine
I. Scotti (biologo, PRC Udine): introduzione
R. Antonaz (cons. reg. PRC): motivazioni della guerra in Jugoslavia
Com. Unitario contro Aviano 2000: impatto ambientale della base USAF
P. Polic (chimico, comm. ambiente ONU): l'uso del DU nella RFJ
C. Pona (fisico, trib. Clark): conseguenze ambientali dei bombardamenti
A. Martocchia (fisico, trib. Clark): legalita' e disinformazione
R. Mantovani (resp. naz. PRC Esteri): conclusioni
SABATO 27 MAGGIO 2000 ORE 17
Palazzo Kechler (Piazza XX Settembre), Udine
udine@...
===
TORINO
CULTURA, SCIENZA e INFORMAZIONE di fronte alle nuove guerre
Politecnico di Torino, Sala del Consiglio di Facoltà, 22-23 giugno 2000
Giovedì 22 giugno
9.00 - Presentazione del convegno a nome del comitato Scienziate e
Scienziati contro la guerra (Elisabetta Donini e Massimo Zucchetti)
Saluti da parte dei Rettori del Politecnico e dell' Università
9.30 - I sessione : INFORMAZIONE E DISINFORMAZIONE: CULTURA, SCIENZA E
GUERRE (coordinanatori: Giulia Barone e
Chiara Cavallaro)
Angelo D'Orsi "Uso strumentale della storia"
Giovanni Salio: "Ricerca scientifica e ricerca per la pace nella
prospettiva della trasformazione nonviolenta dei conflitti"
10.30 - Dibattito
11.00 - Pausa
11.30 - G.Barone, G.Carpi, F.Marenco, A.Martocchia "Disinformazione e
guerra- Problemi della ricostruzione storica della guerra dei Balcani,
1991-2000"
Antonino Drago "Modelli logici, matematici e fisici dei conflitti e
delle loro soluzioni"
Angelo Raffaele Meo "I miti della ricerca militare"
Enrico Peyretti "Giornalismo di pace"
Adriana Valente " Documentazione, comunicazione scientifica e tecnologie
dell'informazione tra guerra e pace"
12.30 - Dibattito
13.00 - Pausa
14.30 - II sessione : CONSEGUENZE ECOLOGICHE E SANITARIE DELLE GUERRE
(Coordinatori: Alberto Tarozzi e Massimo
Zucchetti)
Paolo Bartolomei, Carlo Pona "Problematiche relative all'uso dell'uranio
impoverito in ambito militare"
Ivan Greztic "Effetti ambientali della guerra in Jugoslavia"
Mica Saric "Conseguenze igienico-sanitarie dei bombardamenti NATO sul
complesso industriale di Pancevo"
16.00 - Dibattito
16.30 - Pausa
17.00 - C. Bracci, A. Di Napoli, N. Eminovic, L. Khosrawi, M Ferraro,
A.Taviani, E. Zerbino : "Un 'nuovo modello' militare: produrre vittime"
Mauro Cristaldi : "Reti di biomonitoraggio per valutazioni preventive di
rischio territoriale"
Cristina Giannardi, Daniele Dominici : "Munizioni con uranio impoverito:
una stima per la guerra del Kosovo"
Natasha Lazovic : "Il problema dell'inquinamento chimico nelle falde
sotterranee della Vojvodina"
18.00 - Dibattito
18.30 - Rinfresco
20.00 - Riunione del comitato
Venerdì 23 giugno
9.00 - III sessione: QUESTIONI STRATEGICO-MILITARI (Coordinanatori :
Luigi Cortesi e Angelo Raffaele Meo)
Angelo Baracca, Francesco Polcaro : "La nuova corsa al riarmo e i rischi
crescenti di uso effettivo di armi di distruzione di massa"
Alberto Di Fazio : "Questioni strategico-militari, negoziati UN, e
problema energetico"
10.00 - Dibattito
10.30 - Pausa
11.00 - Guido Carpi "Il Kosovo nella politica estera italiana del
Novecento"
Gastone Dall'Asen "La guerra 'umanitaria contro la Repubblica Federale
Jugoslava nella giurisprudenza penale nazionale"
Luciano Vasapollo "Nuovi scenari geoeconomici dello sviluppo
internazionale: il controllo dell'area balcanica"
Pasquale Vilardo "Stato delle denunce del tribunale Ramsey Clarke"
12.00 - Dibattito
12.30 - Pausa
14.30 - Tavola rotonda: SCIENZE E TECNOLOGIE: SAPERI E RESPONSABILITA'
DIGUERRA E DI PACE (Coordinatore: Claudio
Cancelli)
18.00 - Fine del convegno
Home page del Convegno :
http://www.iac.rm.cnr.it/~marco/SP/convegni/index.html
===
ROMA 3 GIUGNO 2000
VIA PIETRO COSSA 40 – SALA UNIVERSITA’ VALDESE
DALLE ORE 9.00
PROIEZIONE VIDEO, MOSTRE FOTOGRAFICHE
TRIBUNA APERTA TRA I COMITATI E LE ASSOCIAZIONI
ORE 15.00
SESSIONE FINALE DELLA SEZIONE ITALIANA DEL
TRIBUNALE INDIPENDENTE CONTRO I CRIMINI DELLA
NATO IN JUGOSLAVIA
Il 31 luglio 1999 hanno avuto inizio a New York le attivita' del
"TRIBUNALE
INTERNAZIONALE INDIPENDENTE CONTRO I CRIMINI DELLA NATO IN
JUGOSLAVIA", promosso da Ramsey Clark, con la stesura di 19 punti di
accusa contro la NATO
ed i governi occidentali.
Le attivita' del "Tribunale" hanno trovato seguito in molti altri paesi
del mondo. In Italia il primo
novembre 1999 alla presenza di Ramsey Clark ha preso il via la sezione
italiana del Tribunale. Nel
corso di questi mesi, confortati dal crescente interesse suscitato e
dalle numerose iniziative di
presentazione del "Tribunale Italiano" in molte citta', abbiamo potuto
verificare con dati oggettivi
la veridicita' delle nostre accuse.
A completamento del lavoro svolto in questi mesi, noi sottoscritti
firmatari di questo appello
accusiamo le massime autorità della Repubblica in carica nel marzo 1999
- in particolare il
presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri Massimo D'Alema e i ministri del
governo per la
partecipazione alla guerra illegale e il Presidente della Repubblica
Oscar Luigi Scalfaro per non
aver difeso la Costituzione - nonchè i loro successori per quanto
attiene ai crimini in continuità
con l'aggressione armata, ciascuno secondo la personale responsabilità
scaturente dalle diverse
competenze, azioni e
omissioni:
per avere collaborato attivamente all'aggressione contro la Repubblica
Federale Jugoslava, paese
sovrano da cui non era venuta nessuna minaccia nè all'Italia nè ai suoi
alleati;
per avere violato tutti i principi del diritto internazionale e in
particolare la Carta delle Nazioni
Unite, i principi del Tribunale di Norimberga, le Convenzioni di Ginevra
e i protocolli aggiuntivi
sulla tutela delle popolazioni civili nonchè lo stesso trattato
istitutivo della NATO;
per aver consentito che dal proprio territorio partissero attacchi
contro istallazioni e popolazioni
civili, condotti su obiettivi e con armi appositamente studiate per
infliggere il massimo danno,
anche protratto nel tempo, alle persone e alle loro condizioni di vita
(attacchi deliberati contro
strutture civili, bombe a grappolo);
per aver danneggiato l’economia della costa adriatica con la chiusura
degli aeroporti civili;
per aver consentito lo smaltimento nelle acque territoriali italiane di
ordigni bellici non utilizzati
causando danni alle persone, all’ambiente all’economia;
per aver consentito l'utilizzo in maniera massiccia di proiettili e
missili all'uranio impoverito
causando danni incalcolabili e per un tempo indeterminato contro le
popolazioni della Federazione
Jugoslava e dei paesi limitrofi, con enormi rischi attuali anche per i
volontari civili e per i militari
italiani impegnati nel Kosovo.
per aver partecipato al bombardamento di impianti chimici e farmaceutici
causando
deliberatamente danni ambientali di enorme rilevanza tali da configurare
una vera e propria guerra
batteriologica, chimica e nucleare;
per aver violato la Costituzione italiana e aggirato le procedure che
essa impone in caso di guerra
(concepibile solo come difesa da attacchi contro il nostro paese e i
suoi alleati);
per aver collaborato alla politica della forza di occupazione della NATO
che obiettivamente ha
portato alla instaurazione di un potere criminale nella provincia
jugoslava del Kosmet e alla
persecuzione ed espulsione della popolazione di etnia serba e di altre
etnie non albanesi, nonchè
degli albanesi considerati indesiderabili dal nuovo potere;
per avere obiettivamente tollerato l'emergere e il consolidarsi di un
potente centro di attività
criminali a ridosso del nostro paese nel triangolo
Albania-Kosovo-Montenegro;
per avere attivamente collaborato ad affamare e sacrificare la
popolazione della Jugoslavia con
l'imposizione di misure di embargo internazionalmente illeggittime;
per avere attivamente collaborato a esercitare pressioni e ingerenze
contro un paese sovrano e le
sue legittime istituzioni;
per avere inviato truppe e personale civile a governare territori
ridotti di fatto a nuovi protettorati e
colonie in violazione della stessa risoluzione ONU 1244;
per aver messo in piedi al fine di giustificare l'intervento militare
la scandalosa campagna della
MISSIONE ARCOBALENO e per avere mentito al popolo italiano al fine di
convincere l'opinione
pubblica della necessità di partecipare alla guerra;
per avere rinunciato all'esercizio della sovranità del nostro paese e al
diritto-dovere di controllo di
tutte le attività che vi svolgono comandi, strutture e mezzi militari
stranieri;
per avere acconsentito a modificare, senza nessuna decisione del
Parlamento, lo statuto della
NATO.
Queste accuse, saranno esposte e ampiamente documentate il 3 giugno a
Roma nella sessione
plenaria del Tribunale Indipendente contro i crimini NATO costituitosi
in Italia che si terrà presso
l'Università Valdese (via Pietro Cossa 40) e saranno quindi portate a
New York, dove il 10 giugno
si riunirà il Tribunale Internazionale Indipendente promosso dall'ex
Ministro della Giustizia USA
Ramsey Clark.
Invitiamo tutti i cittadini, le associazioni, le personalità consapevoli
della necessità di impedire
che tali crimini siano perpetuati e diventino anzi la norma delle
relazioni internazionali, a sostenere
l'iniziativa della sezione italiana del Tribunale Clark e la raccolta di
testimonianze e documenti e
partecipare attivamente all'assemblea del 3 giugno a Roma.
===
11 GIUGNO 2000
Giornata Nazionale di Raccolta Firme per "Rompere l'Embargo"
all'Iraq
a chiusura della campagna
io rompo! rompi anche tu
Organizzando banchetti, assemblee, proiezioni e dibattiti,
petizioni ai sindaci e ai comuni, sit-in e qualunque altra idea ti
venga in mente
Contattaci per farti inviare il materiale (manifesti, pieghevoli e
adesivi), gli
originali della petizione e del volantino, comunica le iniziative
a:
Tel. 06/6780808, Fax 06/6793968, Mail
rompere-lembargo@...
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* 3 GIUGNO 2000: "TRIBUNALE CLARK"
* 11 GIUGNO 2000: "ROMPERE L'EMBARGO"
NOTA: Il 1 Giugno l'Iniziativa di Vicenza è Rinviata
Per problemi tecnici l'iniziativa del 1 giugno a Vicenza è rinviata. Per
Informazioni: sparta@...
===
ROMA
Libreria Internazionale «il manifesto"Via Tomacelli 144 - Roma
Giovedì 25 Maggio alle ore 17.00
“ORIZZONTI JUGOSLAVI”
Quale ricostruzione in Serbia?Quale futuro per i profughi dal Kosovo?
A nome dei lavoratori e degli sfollati, porteranno lo loro
testimonianza:Sreten MILICEVIC, presidente sindacato ZASTAVA autoveicoli
Svetlana ZIRKOVIC, ex direttrice della scuola di Economia di Urosevac
Dragan PETKOVIC, ex avvocato di Pristina
Parteciperanno al successivo dibattito:Fabio Alberti, (Un Ponte per…),
Tommaso Di Francesco, (il manifesto),
Carlo Pona, (Servizio Civile Internazionale),
Loris Campetti, (il manifesto)
“Un Ponte per…” associazione di volontariato per la solidarietà
internazionalevia della Guglia, 69/a – 00186 – Roma – tel. 066780808
===
TRIESTE
Internazionalismo e solidarietà wrote:
>
> L'Associazione "Internazionalismo e solidarietà" aderisce
> all'appello e sarà presente all'assemblea nazionale del
> Tribunale Clark a Roma il 3 giugno.
> Diamo inoltre comunicazione dell'iniziativa prevista a Trieste il
> 26 maggio prossimo.
>
> p. l'ass.
> Giorgio Ellero
> Trieste
> <glr_y@...>
>
> -----------------------------------------------------------
>
> TRIBUNALE CLARK:
>
> INCONTRO A TRIESTE IL 26 MAGGIO 2000
>
> L' Associazione Internazionalismo e solidarietà
> promuove l'iniziativa pubblica :
>
> IL "TRIBUNALE INTERNAZIONALE CLARK"
>
> E LA GUERRA DELLA NATO NEI BALCANI
>
> Saranno discusse le conseguenze ambientali dei
> bombardamenti, gli aspetti giuridici dell'intervento e l'uso
> dell'informazione prima, durante e dopo la primavera del '99.
>
> Interverranno :
>
> Carlo PONA - Per il Tribunale Clark - fisico
>
> Predrag POLIC - Professore di Chimica applicata presso
> l'Università di Belgrado;
>
> Andrea MARTOCCHIA - Per il Comitato Scienziate/i contro la
> guerra - fisico
>
> Pasquale VILARDO - Per il Tribunale Clark - avvocato
>
> L'incontro si terrà presso l'Aula Magna del Dipartimento di
> Storia dell'Università di Trieste, androna Economo 4,
> Venerdi' 26 maggio 2000 alle ore 16.30.
>
> -----------------------------------------------------------end
===
UDINE
IL VIAGGIO DELL'URANIO
Da Aviano a Belgrado una lunga scia di veleni
Attraverso l'Adriatico, fino ai Balcani, i caccia NATO hanno ucciso
anche l'aria, l'acqua e la terra. Un dibattito sugli effetti ambientali
della guerra in Jugoslavia
moderatore: A. Misdariis - segr. circolo PRC Udine
I. Scotti (biologo, PRC Udine): introduzione
R. Antonaz (cons. reg. PRC): motivazioni della guerra in Jugoslavia
Com. Unitario contro Aviano 2000: impatto ambientale della base USAF
P. Polic (chimico, comm. ambiente ONU): l'uso del DU nella RFJ
C. Pona (fisico, trib. Clark): conseguenze ambientali dei bombardamenti
A. Martocchia (fisico, trib. Clark): legalita' e disinformazione
R. Mantovani (resp. naz. PRC Esteri): conclusioni
SABATO 27 MAGGIO 2000 ORE 17
Palazzo Kechler (Piazza XX Settembre), Udine
udine@...
===
TORINO
CULTURA, SCIENZA e INFORMAZIONE di fronte alle nuove guerre
Politecnico di Torino, Sala del Consiglio di Facoltà, 22-23 giugno 2000
Giovedì 22 giugno
9.00 - Presentazione del convegno a nome del comitato Scienziate e
Scienziati contro la guerra (Elisabetta Donini e Massimo Zucchetti)
Saluti da parte dei Rettori del Politecnico e dell' Università
9.30 - I sessione : INFORMAZIONE E DISINFORMAZIONE: CULTURA, SCIENZA E
GUERRE (coordinanatori: Giulia Barone e
Chiara Cavallaro)
Angelo D'Orsi "Uso strumentale della storia"
Giovanni Salio: "Ricerca scientifica e ricerca per la pace nella
prospettiva della trasformazione nonviolenta dei conflitti"
10.30 - Dibattito
11.00 - Pausa
11.30 - G.Barone, G.Carpi, F.Marenco, A.Martocchia "Disinformazione e
guerra- Problemi della ricostruzione storica della guerra dei Balcani,
1991-2000"
Antonino Drago "Modelli logici, matematici e fisici dei conflitti e
delle loro soluzioni"
Angelo Raffaele Meo "I miti della ricerca militare"
Enrico Peyretti "Giornalismo di pace"
Adriana Valente " Documentazione, comunicazione scientifica e tecnologie
dell'informazione tra guerra e pace"
12.30 - Dibattito
13.00 - Pausa
14.30 - II sessione : CONSEGUENZE ECOLOGICHE E SANITARIE DELLE GUERRE
(Coordinatori: Alberto Tarozzi e Massimo
Zucchetti)
Paolo Bartolomei, Carlo Pona "Problematiche relative all'uso dell'uranio
impoverito in ambito militare"
Ivan Greztic "Effetti ambientali della guerra in Jugoslavia"
Mica Saric "Conseguenze igienico-sanitarie dei bombardamenti NATO sul
complesso industriale di Pancevo"
16.00 - Dibattito
16.30 - Pausa
17.00 - C. Bracci, A. Di Napoli, N. Eminovic, L. Khosrawi, M Ferraro,
A.Taviani, E. Zerbino : "Un 'nuovo modello' militare: produrre vittime"
Mauro Cristaldi : "Reti di biomonitoraggio per valutazioni preventive di
rischio territoriale"
Cristina Giannardi, Daniele Dominici : "Munizioni con uranio impoverito:
una stima per la guerra del Kosovo"
Natasha Lazovic : "Il problema dell'inquinamento chimico nelle falde
sotterranee della Vojvodina"
18.00 - Dibattito
18.30 - Rinfresco
20.00 - Riunione del comitato
Venerdì 23 giugno
9.00 - III sessione: QUESTIONI STRATEGICO-MILITARI (Coordinanatori :
Luigi Cortesi e Angelo Raffaele Meo)
Angelo Baracca, Francesco Polcaro : "La nuova corsa al riarmo e i rischi
crescenti di uso effettivo di armi di distruzione di massa"
Alberto Di Fazio : "Questioni strategico-militari, negoziati UN, e
problema energetico"
10.00 - Dibattito
10.30 - Pausa
11.00 - Guido Carpi "Il Kosovo nella politica estera italiana del
Novecento"
Gastone Dall'Asen "La guerra 'umanitaria contro la Repubblica Federale
Jugoslava nella giurisprudenza penale nazionale"
Luciano Vasapollo "Nuovi scenari geoeconomici dello sviluppo
internazionale: il controllo dell'area balcanica"
Pasquale Vilardo "Stato delle denunce del tribunale Ramsey Clarke"
12.00 - Dibattito
12.30 - Pausa
14.30 - Tavola rotonda: SCIENZE E TECNOLOGIE: SAPERI E RESPONSABILITA'
DIGUERRA E DI PACE (Coordinatore: Claudio
Cancelli)
18.00 - Fine del convegno
Home page del Convegno :
http://www.iac.rm.cnr.it/~marco/SP/convegni/index.html
===
ROMA 3 GIUGNO 2000
VIA PIETRO COSSA 40 – SALA UNIVERSITA’ VALDESE
DALLE ORE 9.00
PROIEZIONE VIDEO, MOSTRE FOTOGRAFICHE
TRIBUNA APERTA TRA I COMITATI E LE ASSOCIAZIONI
ORE 15.00
SESSIONE FINALE DELLA SEZIONE ITALIANA DEL
TRIBUNALE INDIPENDENTE CONTRO I CRIMINI DELLA
NATO IN JUGOSLAVIA
Il 31 luglio 1999 hanno avuto inizio a New York le attivita' del
"TRIBUNALE
INTERNAZIONALE INDIPENDENTE CONTRO I CRIMINI DELLA NATO IN
JUGOSLAVIA", promosso da Ramsey Clark, con la stesura di 19 punti di
accusa contro la NATO
ed i governi occidentali.
Le attivita' del "Tribunale" hanno trovato seguito in molti altri paesi
del mondo. In Italia il primo
novembre 1999 alla presenza di Ramsey Clark ha preso il via la sezione
italiana del Tribunale. Nel
corso di questi mesi, confortati dal crescente interesse suscitato e
dalle numerose iniziative di
presentazione del "Tribunale Italiano" in molte citta', abbiamo potuto
verificare con dati oggettivi
la veridicita' delle nostre accuse.
A completamento del lavoro svolto in questi mesi, noi sottoscritti
firmatari di questo appello
accusiamo le massime autorità della Repubblica in carica nel marzo 1999
- in particolare il
presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri Massimo D'Alema e i ministri del
governo per la
partecipazione alla guerra illegale e il Presidente della Repubblica
Oscar Luigi Scalfaro per non
aver difeso la Costituzione - nonchè i loro successori per quanto
attiene ai crimini in continuità
con l'aggressione armata, ciascuno secondo la personale responsabilità
scaturente dalle diverse
competenze, azioni e
omissioni:
per avere collaborato attivamente all'aggressione contro la Repubblica
Federale Jugoslava, paese
sovrano da cui non era venuta nessuna minaccia nè all'Italia nè ai suoi
alleati;
per avere violato tutti i principi del diritto internazionale e in
particolare la Carta delle Nazioni
Unite, i principi del Tribunale di Norimberga, le Convenzioni di Ginevra
e i protocolli aggiuntivi
sulla tutela delle popolazioni civili nonchè lo stesso trattato
istitutivo della NATO;
per aver consentito che dal proprio territorio partissero attacchi
contro istallazioni e popolazioni
civili, condotti su obiettivi e con armi appositamente studiate per
infliggere il massimo danno,
anche protratto nel tempo, alle persone e alle loro condizioni di vita
(attacchi deliberati contro
strutture civili, bombe a grappolo);
per aver danneggiato l’economia della costa adriatica con la chiusura
degli aeroporti civili;
per aver consentito lo smaltimento nelle acque territoriali italiane di
ordigni bellici non utilizzati
causando danni alle persone, all’ambiente all’economia;
per aver consentito l'utilizzo in maniera massiccia di proiettili e
missili all'uranio impoverito
causando danni incalcolabili e per un tempo indeterminato contro le
popolazioni della Federazione
Jugoslava e dei paesi limitrofi, con enormi rischi attuali anche per i
volontari civili e per i militari
italiani impegnati nel Kosovo.
per aver partecipato al bombardamento di impianti chimici e farmaceutici
causando
deliberatamente danni ambientali di enorme rilevanza tali da configurare
una vera e propria guerra
batteriologica, chimica e nucleare;
per aver violato la Costituzione italiana e aggirato le procedure che
essa impone in caso di guerra
(concepibile solo come difesa da attacchi contro il nostro paese e i
suoi alleati);
per aver collaborato alla politica della forza di occupazione della NATO
che obiettivamente ha
portato alla instaurazione di un potere criminale nella provincia
jugoslava del Kosmet e alla
persecuzione ed espulsione della popolazione di etnia serba e di altre
etnie non albanesi, nonchè
degli albanesi considerati indesiderabili dal nuovo potere;
per avere obiettivamente tollerato l'emergere e il consolidarsi di un
potente centro di attività
criminali a ridosso del nostro paese nel triangolo
Albania-Kosovo-Montenegro;
per avere attivamente collaborato ad affamare e sacrificare la
popolazione della Jugoslavia con
l'imposizione di misure di embargo internazionalmente illeggittime;
per avere attivamente collaborato a esercitare pressioni e ingerenze
contro un paese sovrano e le
sue legittime istituzioni;
per avere inviato truppe e personale civile a governare territori
ridotti di fatto a nuovi protettorati e
colonie in violazione della stessa risoluzione ONU 1244;
per aver messo in piedi al fine di giustificare l'intervento militare
la scandalosa campagna della
MISSIONE ARCOBALENO e per avere mentito al popolo italiano al fine di
convincere l'opinione
pubblica della necessità di partecipare alla guerra;
per avere rinunciato all'esercizio della sovranità del nostro paese e al
diritto-dovere di controllo di
tutte le attività che vi svolgono comandi, strutture e mezzi militari
stranieri;
per avere acconsentito a modificare, senza nessuna decisione del
Parlamento, lo statuto della
NATO.
Queste accuse, saranno esposte e ampiamente documentate il 3 giugno a
Roma nella sessione
plenaria del Tribunale Indipendente contro i crimini NATO costituitosi
in Italia che si terrà presso
l'Università Valdese (via Pietro Cossa 40) e saranno quindi portate a
New York, dove il 10 giugno
si riunirà il Tribunale Internazionale Indipendente promosso dall'ex
Ministro della Giustizia USA
Ramsey Clark.
Invitiamo tutti i cittadini, le associazioni, le personalità consapevoli
della necessità di impedire
che tali crimini siano perpetuati e diventino anzi la norma delle
relazioni internazionali, a sostenere
l'iniziativa della sezione italiana del Tribunale Clark e la raccolta di
testimonianze e documenti e
partecipare attivamente all'assemblea del 3 giugno a Roma.
===
11 GIUGNO 2000
Giornata Nazionale di Raccolta Firme per "Rompere l'Embargo"
all'Iraq
a chiusura della campagna
io rompo! rompi anche tu
Organizzando banchetti, assemblee, proiezioni e dibattiti,
petizioni ai sindaci e ai comuni, sit-in e qualunque altra idea ti
venga in mente
Contattaci per farti inviare il materiale (manifesti, pieghevoli e
adesivi), gli
originali della petizione e del volantino, comunica le iniziative
a:
Tel. 06/6780808, Fax 06/6793968, Mail
rompere-lembargo@...
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
>
> Yugoslav Daily Survey
>
>--------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> BELGRADE, 15 May 2000
>
> ASSASSINATION OF VOJVODINA EXECUTIVE COUNCIL PRESIDENT
PEROSEVIC
>
> a.. -PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S WREATH ON PEROSEVIC'S BIER
> b.. -MATIC: PEROSEVIC'S ASSASSINATION AIMED AT
DESTABILIZING
>YUGOSLAVIA
> c.. -MONTENEGRIN PRIME MINISTER EXPRESSED CONDOLENCES
> FROM THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
>
> a.. -HOUSING CONSTRUCTION PROJECT STARTS
> b.. -JOVANOVIC: FORCES WHICH COMMITTED AGGRESSION STOKE
>TERRORISM AND SEPARATISM
> c.. -BOZOVIC: KOSOVO AND METOHIJA CRADLE OF SERBS' BEING
> d.. -GEN.LAZAREVIC: ARMY IS INDIVISIBLE FROM PEOPLE
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - RUSSIA
>
> a.. -MINISTER JOVANOVIC ARRIVED IN MOSCOW
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - CHINA
>
> a.. -YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT DELEGATION ENDED VISIT TO CHINA
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - AUSTRALIA
>
> a.. -YUGOSLAV SECURITIES COMMISSION DELEGATION VISITED
SIDNEY
> * * *
>
> ASSASSINATION OF VOJVODINA EXECUTIVE COUNCIL PRESIDENT
PEROSEVIC
>
> PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S WREATH ON PEROSEVIC'S BIER
>
> NOVI SAD, May 15 (Tanjug) - On the bier of the tragically
deceased
>President of the Vojvodina Executive Council Bosko Perosevic, in the
Vojvodina
>executive council building, around 14 hours was laid the wreath of the
>President of Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic and of his wife Mira Markovic.
>
> In the honourary guard next to the bier of Bosko Perosevic
stood
>in turn during the morning members of Vojvodina executive council and his
>colleagues from the Socialist Party of Serbia.
>
> Outside the building of Vojvidina executive council thousands
of
>citizens of Novi Sad paid their last respects to the tragically deceased
Bosko
>Perosevic.
>
> MATIC: PEROSEVIC'S ASSASSINATION AIMED AT DESTABILIZING
YUGOSLAVIA
>
> BELGRADE, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Information Minister Goran
>Matic said on Sunday that the assassination of Vojvodina Executive Council
>President Bosko Perosevic is a terrorist act of murder of yet another
person
>from the list of undesired citizens of Yugoslavia drawn up by the European
>Union and United States.
>
> Speaking at a press conference for home and foreign reporters,
>Matic said this assassination was not an individual act by a maniac, but
>"organized murder which has a deep ideological and political background,
aimed
>at the further destabilization of Yugoslavia from outside, by the same
mentors
>who carried out the armed aggression and all forms of pressures on our
>country."
>
> Matic said the assassin, Milivoje Gutovic, 50, a sympathizer of
>the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) and an activist of the Otpor
("Resistance")
>organization, was found to possess a pamphlet on "Terrorism - a form of
>special warfare and who are the assassins of Aldo Moro" and other documents
>which indicate that this murder was planned.
>
> Asked by reporters whether new arrests could be expected in
>connection with Perosevic's assassination, Matic said an investigation was
>under way and added, quoting an official Interior Ministry statement, that
>persons who are believed to have ordered the killing and instigated this
>action were also being investigated and that Gutovic was not the only
person
>arrested so far.
>
> Yugoslavia is today "faced with the concept of an active
>destabilization through terrorism and crime which is infiltrated from
>Republika Srpska and partly from Montenegro, and whose mentors are the very
>ones who loudly speak about democracy and human rights," said Matic. The
wave
>of terrorism set off by part of the vasal political opposition in Serbia
with
>the creation of the Otpor ("Resistance") organization is extremely
reminiscent
>of the political terrorism of the Red Brigades in Italy in the late
seventies,
>he said.
>
> "We are today witness in our territory to absolutely the same
>practice which had been present in Italy at that time - murders of
prominent
>figures from political and business circles, with the tightening of
sanctions
>and all kinds of pressure in order to crush our just struggle," the federal
>information minister said.
>
> "We can openly say that the structures of aggression still
remain
>the same. NATO has not dismissed its spokesmen and its headquarters for
>exerting pressure on Yugoslavia. They are still working. Even though the
main
>champions of pressuring have not been dismissed, some of them, and those
who
>have been proven unsuccessful, have been sacked. However, economic pressure
is
>still strong, which is aimed at isolating the country and forcibly changing
>the socio-political system and the legally elected authorities. There is a
>tendency to create such a system in which society will be vulgarized, with
>stoked criminal activities, and the subsistence level brought on by the
>sanctions becoming the regulator of social relations in Yugoslav society,"
>Matic said.
>
> "Countries which lecture us on democracy and freedom are
>black-listing Yugoslav companies, citizens, although it is crystal clear
that
>the process and promotion of development and democracy in Yugoslavia is
more
>advanced not only than in so-called countries in transition, but even than
in
>the very countries which lecture us," Minister Matic said.
>
> MONTENEGRIN PRIME MINISTER EXPRESSED CONDOLENCES
>
> PODGORICA, May 15 (Tanjug) - Montenegrin Prime Minister Filip
>Vujanovic sent a telegram of condolences to the Vojvodina Executive Council
on
>Sunday, on the occasion of the tragic death of its President Bosko
Perosevic.
>
> Vujanovic asked that his expressions of sympathies and those of
>the Montenegrin government be conveyed also to the family of the deceased.
>
> FROM THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
>
> HOUSING CONSTRUCTION PROJECT STARTS
>
> VRANJE, May 15 (Tanjug) - Serbian Premier Mirko Marjanovic on
>Monday, at a central ceremony in Vranje, marked the beginning of works on
the
>building of 100,000 apartments whose realization starts at the same time in
19
>centers in Serbia.
>
> Accelerated housing construction is an essential development
goal
>- every year 10,000 families will solve the most important problem in their
>life, and besides the full employment of construction workers, a chain of
>production will be started in industry, Marjanovic said at a large popular
>rally of tens of thousands of residents of the Pcinj and Jablanica
districts.
>
> "The realization of each of these projects will give a new
impetus
>to speedy economic growth and the development of the entire country, the
>creation of new jobs for young and educated people, a rise of standard and
>better life for citizens," Marjanovic said.
>
> Pointing out that heroic defense and major results in the
>reconstruction and development of the country are the main reason of the
>growing recognition of Yugoslavia and its just struggle for freedom and
>sovereignty, Marjanovic said that was the reason why the greatest majority
of
>countries and all progressive countries of the world demand the lifting of
>illegal sanctions against Serbia, and those who still implement them are
aware
>they are meaningless.
>
> "Only different leaders of the so-called opposition parties
spread
>illusions that aid will come from those who bombed us," Marjanovic said and
>pointed out that "they, even without any shame, do not conceal they want to
>come to power with the help of power brokers and make direct threats of
civil
>war."
>
> "Everything they have done and are doing shows they are
traitors,
>mercenaries, murderers and criminals. That is why, their place is not with
us
>in a united defense front, reconstruction and development of the country.
In
>that great job we, together with the people, are doing our utmost and
achieve
>results visible to every citizen," Marjanovic said.
>
> JOVANOVIC: FORCES WHICH COMMITTED AGGRESSION STOKE TERRORISM
AND
>SEPARATISM
>
> REKOVAC, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Foreign Minister and
>republican MP Zivadin Jovanovic said in the central Serbian town of Rekovac
on
>Sunday that the world is increasingly clearly demonstrating an option for
>democratic relations and respect for the principles of equality,
sovereignty
>and territorial integrity, and non-interference in the internal affairs of
>Yugoslavia, regarding the issue of Kosovo and Metohija province.
>
> Jovanovic said it was becoming clear in the world that the
>international military and civilian presence in Kosovo and Metohija has
>severely damaged the renown of the United Nations, the Security Council, by
>working completely contrary to Resolution 1244, actually by systematically
>supporting ethnic Albanian separatism and terrorism.
>
> Europe, the European and world public, a large number of U.N.
>Security Council members, realize that such a stand by the civilian and
>security presence under U.N. auspices us unacceptable, and is not conducive
to
>peace and stability, but is a road which leads to destabilization,
Jovanovic
>said.
>
> "It is necessary finally to establish control on our state
border
>and that hundreds of thousands of those who entered our territory
illegally,
>with the permission of these international forces, leave our territory," he
>said.
>
> The world public cannot be deluded with stories about a census,
>stories about elections, even if local, which is an attempt to prevent them
>from seeing that the U.N. Charter is systematically violated on a daily
basis
>in Kosovo and Metohija. Such stories cannot cover up the fact that those
very
>same forces which carried out the aggression on our country, are continuing
>this aggression by stoking terrorism and separatism in Kosovo, by trying to
>destabilize Serbia, to destabilize Yugoslavia, with subversive activities,
>even by inciting political terrorism, Jovanovic said.
>
> BOZOVIC: KOSOVO AND METOHIJA CRADLE OF SERBS' BEING
>
> AMMAN, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Parliament Upper House
Speaker
>Srdja Bozovic has said that there can be no elections in Kosovo and
Metohija
>as long as 350,000 Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians do not
return
>to the Yugoslav republic of Serbia's southern province.
>
> In an exclusive interview to Jordan's mass-circulation daily
>Al-Arab al-Yawm, Bozovic, who attended the 103rd conference of the
>Interparliamentary Union (IPU) in Amman last week, said that Kosovo and
>Metohija was the cradle of the Serbian people's being.
>
> He said that Yugoslavia could not allow the United States to
form
>a Greater Albania, saying that there could be no doubt whatsoever that the
>province would remain an integral part of Yugoslavia.
>
> He said that Yugoslavia constituted the key factor of stability
in
>the Balkans. He said that the country was doing all within its power to
>preserve peace, saying that Belgrade's political commitments were based on
the
>responsibility for security in the Balkans and Europe.
>
> GEN.LAZAREVIC: ARMY IS INDIVISIBLE FROM PEOPLE
>
> ZAJECAR, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav 3rd Army commander Lt.-Gen.
>Vladimir Lazarevic said in the eastern Serbian town of Zajecar on Sunday
that
>he believed it would not be long before the state of Serbia would return to
>its territories in Kosovo and Metohija, since the world has already
realized
>the mistake of the NATO aggression on Yugoslavia.
>
> In a talk with leaders of the Zajecar district, he also said he
>hoped the U.N. Security Council would already in June admit the
incompetence
>of the UNMIK and other international forces in Kosovo, which have failed in
>one year to implement a single article of Resolution 1244, and whose
presence
>failed to prevent murders and expulsions of many more Serbs and other
>non-Albanians than before and during the NATO aggression.
>
> This would be an admission in practice that the U.S.-led
western
>policy toward Yugoslavia had been wrong, one that had openly supported the
>secession of Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija province, Gen. Lazarevic said.
This
>would also be a recognition of the right of all state organs to return to
>Kosovo and Metohija and provide protection to all those who wish to live in
>Serbia and Yugoslavia in equal conditions with all those who have lived
there
>for centuries, he said.
>
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - RUSSIA
>
> MINISTER JOVANOVIC ARRIVED IN MOSCOW
>
> MOSCOW, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Foreign Minister Zivadin
>Jovanovic on Monday arrived in Moscow on a two-day visit to Russia at the
>invitation of his Russian counterpart Igor Ivanov.
>
> In a statement at Moscow's Sheremetyevo Airport, Jovanovic said
he
>expected the visit further to promote and expand political dialogue and the
>traditionally friendly and close relations between Yugoslavia and Russia.
>
> Immediately on his arrival, Minister Jovanovic gave an
interview
>to foreign correspondents in Moscow in which he underscored that western
>countries are deceiving the world public about the situation in Kosovo and
>Metohija.
>
> There is chaos now in this southern Serbian province because of
>lack of respect for U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 on Kosovo and
>Metohija, and unless something is urgently done, the international
community
>will bear full responsibility for the grave consequences, the Yugoslav
>minister said.
>
> Jovanovic will today visit the State Duma, where he will confer
>with its Speaker Gennady Seleznov.
>
> Jovanovic will also meet with the head of a Duma commission for
>helping Yugoslavia overcome the consequences of the NATO aggression, an MP
of
>the lower house of Russian parliament, Nikolai Ryzhkov.
>
> Talks between Jovanovic and his host Ivanov are scheduled for
>tomorrow.
>
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - CHINA
>
> YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT DELEGATION ENDED VISIT TO CHINA
>
> BEIJING, May 15 (Tanjug) - A Yugoslav government delegation,
led
>by Minister for International Cultural and Scientific Cooperation Cedomir
>Mirkovic, ended Monday its several-day visit to China expected to give a
new
>impetus to the successful development of the two countries' cultural as
well
>as overall cooperation.
>
> The visit resulted in the signing of a three-year programme of
>cultural and educational cooperation. Moreover, it marked the beginning of
the
>Days of Yugoslav Culture in China event.
>
> Consequently, Belgrade's Philharmonic Orchestra and Radmila
>Bakocevic and Jadranka Jovanovic, Yugoslavia's primadonnas of international
>repute, gave performances in China's capital Beijing and the cities of
>Shenyang and Dalian, in the country's northeastern province of Lianoning.
>
> Furthermore, an exhibition of 28 contemporary Yugoslav
paintings
>opened in Beijing during the delegation's visit.
>
> In meetings with ranking Chinese Culture Ministry officials at
the
>close of the visit, Mirkovic said that the visit had resulted in a series
of
>initiatives for the all-round promotion of cultural cooperation.
>
> The programme provides also for the exchange of the two
countries'
>artists. Moreover, the Days of Chinese Culture in Yugoslavia event is to be
>held next year.
>
> Mirkovic pointed to friendly ties and good overall
>Yugoslav-Chinese relations as well as outstanding mutual understanding
reached
>that would enable successful cooperation between the two countries.
>
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - AUSTRALIA
>
> YUGOSLAV SECURITIES COMMISSION DELEGATION VISITED SIDNEY
>
> SIDNEY, May 15 (Tanjug) - A delegation of the Yugoslav
Securities
>Commission has arrived in Sidney, Australia, to attend the 25th annual
>conference of the international organisation of securities commissions.
>
> The delegation, led by Milos Jankovic, commission head, met in
>Canberra on Monday with Yugoslav Ambassador to Australia Dragan
Dragojlovic.
>
> Dragojlovic informed the delegation about prospects for
economic
>and financial cooperation between Yugoslavia and Australia, stressing the
need
>for the diversification of financial cooperation that is crucial to overall
>economic cooperation between the two countries.
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
> Yugoslav Daily Survey
>
>--------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> BELGRADE, 15 May 2000
>
> ASSASSINATION OF VOJVODINA EXECUTIVE COUNCIL PRESIDENT
PEROSEVIC
>
> a.. -PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S WREATH ON PEROSEVIC'S BIER
> b.. -MATIC: PEROSEVIC'S ASSASSINATION AIMED AT
DESTABILIZING
>YUGOSLAVIA
> c.. -MONTENEGRIN PRIME MINISTER EXPRESSED CONDOLENCES
> FROM THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
>
> a.. -HOUSING CONSTRUCTION PROJECT STARTS
> b.. -JOVANOVIC: FORCES WHICH COMMITTED AGGRESSION STOKE
>TERRORISM AND SEPARATISM
> c.. -BOZOVIC: KOSOVO AND METOHIJA CRADLE OF SERBS' BEING
> d.. -GEN.LAZAREVIC: ARMY IS INDIVISIBLE FROM PEOPLE
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - RUSSIA
>
> a.. -MINISTER JOVANOVIC ARRIVED IN MOSCOW
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - CHINA
>
> a.. -YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT DELEGATION ENDED VISIT TO CHINA
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - AUSTRALIA
>
> a.. -YUGOSLAV SECURITIES COMMISSION DELEGATION VISITED
SIDNEY
> * * *
>
> ASSASSINATION OF VOJVODINA EXECUTIVE COUNCIL PRESIDENT
PEROSEVIC
>
> PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S WREATH ON PEROSEVIC'S BIER
>
> NOVI SAD, May 15 (Tanjug) - On the bier of the tragically
deceased
>President of the Vojvodina Executive Council Bosko Perosevic, in the
Vojvodina
>executive council building, around 14 hours was laid the wreath of the
>President of Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic and of his wife Mira Markovic.
>
> In the honourary guard next to the bier of Bosko Perosevic
stood
>in turn during the morning members of Vojvodina executive council and his
>colleagues from the Socialist Party of Serbia.
>
> Outside the building of Vojvidina executive council thousands
of
>citizens of Novi Sad paid their last respects to the tragically deceased
Bosko
>Perosevic.
>
> MATIC: PEROSEVIC'S ASSASSINATION AIMED AT DESTABILIZING
YUGOSLAVIA
>
> BELGRADE, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Information Minister Goran
>Matic said on Sunday that the assassination of Vojvodina Executive Council
>President Bosko Perosevic is a terrorist act of murder of yet another
person
>from the list of undesired citizens of Yugoslavia drawn up by the European
>Union and United States.
>
> Speaking at a press conference for home and foreign reporters,
>Matic said this assassination was not an individual act by a maniac, but
>"organized murder which has a deep ideological and political background,
aimed
>at the further destabilization of Yugoslavia from outside, by the same
mentors
>who carried out the armed aggression and all forms of pressures on our
>country."
>
> Matic said the assassin, Milivoje Gutovic, 50, a sympathizer of
>the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) and an activist of the Otpor
("Resistance")
>organization, was found to possess a pamphlet on "Terrorism - a form of
>special warfare and who are the assassins of Aldo Moro" and other documents
>which indicate that this murder was planned.
>
> Asked by reporters whether new arrests could be expected in
>connection with Perosevic's assassination, Matic said an investigation was
>under way and added, quoting an official Interior Ministry statement, that
>persons who are believed to have ordered the killing and instigated this
>action were also being investigated and that Gutovic was not the only
person
>arrested so far.
>
> Yugoslavia is today "faced with the concept of an active
>destabilization through terrorism and crime which is infiltrated from
>Republika Srpska and partly from Montenegro, and whose mentors are the very
>ones who loudly speak about democracy and human rights," said Matic. The
wave
>of terrorism set off by part of the vasal political opposition in Serbia
with
>the creation of the Otpor ("Resistance") organization is extremely
reminiscent
>of the political terrorism of the Red Brigades in Italy in the late
seventies,
>he said.
>
> "We are today witness in our territory to absolutely the same
>practice which had been present in Italy at that time - murders of
prominent
>figures from political and business circles, with the tightening of
sanctions
>and all kinds of pressure in order to crush our just struggle," the federal
>information minister said.
>
> "We can openly say that the structures of aggression still
remain
>the same. NATO has not dismissed its spokesmen and its headquarters for
>exerting pressure on Yugoslavia. They are still working. Even though the
main
>champions of pressuring have not been dismissed, some of them, and those
who
>have been proven unsuccessful, have been sacked. However, economic pressure
is
>still strong, which is aimed at isolating the country and forcibly changing
>the socio-political system and the legally elected authorities. There is a
>tendency to create such a system in which society will be vulgarized, with
>stoked criminal activities, and the subsistence level brought on by the
>sanctions becoming the regulator of social relations in Yugoslav society,"
>Matic said.
>
> "Countries which lecture us on democracy and freedom are
>black-listing Yugoslav companies, citizens, although it is crystal clear
that
>the process and promotion of development and democracy in Yugoslavia is
more
>advanced not only than in so-called countries in transition, but even than
in
>the very countries which lecture us," Minister Matic said.
>
> MONTENEGRIN PRIME MINISTER EXPRESSED CONDOLENCES
>
> PODGORICA, May 15 (Tanjug) - Montenegrin Prime Minister Filip
>Vujanovic sent a telegram of condolences to the Vojvodina Executive Council
on
>Sunday, on the occasion of the tragic death of its President Bosko
Perosevic.
>
> Vujanovic asked that his expressions of sympathies and those of
>the Montenegrin government be conveyed also to the family of the deceased.
>
> FROM THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
>
> HOUSING CONSTRUCTION PROJECT STARTS
>
> VRANJE, May 15 (Tanjug) - Serbian Premier Mirko Marjanovic on
>Monday, at a central ceremony in Vranje, marked the beginning of works on
the
>building of 100,000 apartments whose realization starts at the same time in
19
>centers in Serbia.
>
> Accelerated housing construction is an essential development
goal
>- every year 10,000 families will solve the most important problem in their
>life, and besides the full employment of construction workers, a chain of
>production will be started in industry, Marjanovic said at a large popular
>rally of tens of thousands of residents of the Pcinj and Jablanica
districts.
>
> "The realization of each of these projects will give a new
impetus
>to speedy economic growth and the development of the entire country, the
>creation of new jobs for young and educated people, a rise of standard and
>better life for citizens," Marjanovic said.
>
> Pointing out that heroic defense and major results in the
>reconstruction and development of the country are the main reason of the
>growing recognition of Yugoslavia and its just struggle for freedom and
>sovereignty, Marjanovic said that was the reason why the greatest majority
of
>countries and all progressive countries of the world demand the lifting of
>illegal sanctions against Serbia, and those who still implement them are
aware
>they are meaningless.
>
> "Only different leaders of the so-called opposition parties
spread
>illusions that aid will come from those who bombed us," Marjanovic said and
>pointed out that "they, even without any shame, do not conceal they want to
>come to power with the help of power brokers and make direct threats of
civil
>war."
>
> "Everything they have done and are doing shows they are
traitors,
>mercenaries, murderers and criminals. That is why, their place is not with
us
>in a united defense front, reconstruction and development of the country.
In
>that great job we, together with the people, are doing our utmost and
achieve
>results visible to every citizen," Marjanovic said.
>
> JOVANOVIC: FORCES WHICH COMMITTED AGGRESSION STOKE TERRORISM
AND
>SEPARATISM
>
> REKOVAC, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Foreign Minister and
>republican MP Zivadin Jovanovic said in the central Serbian town of Rekovac
on
>Sunday that the world is increasingly clearly demonstrating an option for
>democratic relations and respect for the principles of equality,
sovereignty
>and territorial integrity, and non-interference in the internal affairs of
>Yugoslavia, regarding the issue of Kosovo and Metohija province.
>
> Jovanovic said it was becoming clear in the world that the
>international military and civilian presence in Kosovo and Metohija has
>severely damaged the renown of the United Nations, the Security Council, by
>working completely contrary to Resolution 1244, actually by systematically
>supporting ethnic Albanian separatism and terrorism.
>
> Europe, the European and world public, a large number of U.N.
>Security Council members, realize that such a stand by the civilian and
>security presence under U.N. auspices us unacceptable, and is not conducive
to
>peace and stability, but is a road which leads to destabilization,
Jovanovic
>said.
>
> "It is necessary finally to establish control on our state
border
>and that hundreds of thousands of those who entered our territory
illegally,
>with the permission of these international forces, leave our territory," he
>said.
>
> The world public cannot be deluded with stories about a census,
>stories about elections, even if local, which is an attempt to prevent them
>from seeing that the U.N. Charter is systematically violated on a daily
basis
>in Kosovo and Metohija. Such stories cannot cover up the fact that those
very
>same forces which carried out the aggression on our country, are continuing
>this aggression by stoking terrorism and separatism in Kosovo, by trying to
>destabilize Serbia, to destabilize Yugoslavia, with subversive activities,
>even by inciting political terrorism, Jovanovic said.
>
> BOZOVIC: KOSOVO AND METOHIJA CRADLE OF SERBS' BEING
>
> AMMAN, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Parliament Upper House
Speaker
>Srdja Bozovic has said that there can be no elections in Kosovo and
Metohija
>as long as 350,000 Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians do not
return
>to the Yugoslav republic of Serbia's southern province.
>
> In an exclusive interview to Jordan's mass-circulation daily
>Al-Arab al-Yawm, Bozovic, who attended the 103rd conference of the
>Interparliamentary Union (IPU) in Amman last week, said that Kosovo and
>Metohija was the cradle of the Serbian people's being.
>
> He said that Yugoslavia could not allow the United States to
form
>a Greater Albania, saying that there could be no doubt whatsoever that the
>province would remain an integral part of Yugoslavia.
>
> He said that Yugoslavia constituted the key factor of stability
in
>the Balkans. He said that the country was doing all within its power to
>preserve peace, saying that Belgrade's political commitments were based on
the
>responsibility for security in the Balkans and Europe.
>
> GEN.LAZAREVIC: ARMY IS INDIVISIBLE FROM PEOPLE
>
> ZAJECAR, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav 3rd Army commander Lt.-Gen.
>Vladimir Lazarevic said in the eastern Serbian town of Zajecar on Sunday
that
>he believed it would not be long before the state of Serbia would return to
>its territories in Kosovo and Metohija, since the world has already
realized
>the mistake of the NATO aggression on Yugoslavia.
>
> In a talk with leaders of the Zajecar district, he also said he
>hoped the U.N. Security Council would already in June admit the
incompetence
>of the UNMIK and other international forces in Kosovo, which have failed in
>one year to implement a single article of Resolution 1244, and whose
presence
>failed to prevent murders and expulsions of many more Serbs and other
>non-Albanians than before and during the NATO aggression.
>
> This would be an admission in practice that the U.S.-led
western
>policy toward Yugoslavia had been wrong, one that had openly supported the
>secession of Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija province, Gen. Lazarevic said.
This
>would also be a recognition of the right of all state organs to return to
>Kosovo and Metohija and provide protection to all those who wish to live in
>Serbia and Yugoslavia in equal conditions with all those who have lived
there
>for centuries, he said.
>
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - RUSSIA
>
> MINISTER JOVANOVIC ARRIVED IN MOSCOW
>
> MOSCOW, May 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Foreign Minister Zivadin
>Jovanovic on Monday arrived in Moscow on a two-day visit to Russia at the
>invitation of his Russian counterpart Igor Ivanov.
>
> In a statement at Moscow's Sheremetyevo Airport, Jovanovic said
he
>expected the visit further to promote and expand political dialogue and the
>traditionally friendly and close relations between Yugoslavia and Russia.
>
> Immediately on his arrival, Minister Jovanovic gave an
interview
>to foreign correspondents in Moscow in which he underscored that western
>countries are deceiving the world public about the situation in Kosovo and
>Metohija.
>
> There is chaos now in this southern Serbian province because of
>lack of respect for U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 on Kosovo and
>Metohija, and unless something is urgently done, the international
community
>will bear full responsibility for the grave consequences, the Yugoslav
>minister said.
>
> Jovanovic will today visit the State Duma, where he will confer
>with its Speaker Gennady Seleznov.
>
> Jovanovic will also meet with the head of a Duma commission for
>helping Yugoslavia overcome the consequences of the NATO aggression, an MP
of
>the lower house of Russian parliament, Nikolai Ryzhkov.
>
> Talks between Jovanovic and his host Ivanov are scheduled for
>tomorrow.
>
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - CHINA
>
> YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT DELEGATION ENDED VISIT TO CHINA
>
> BEIJING, May 15 (Tanjug) - A Yugoslav government delegation,
led
>by Minister for International Cultural and Scientific Cooperation Cedomir
>Mirkovic, ended Monday its several-day visit to China expected to give a
new
>impetus to the successful development of the two countries' cultural as
well
>as overall cooperation.
>
> The visit resulted in the signing of a three-year programme of
>cultural and educational cooperation. Moreover, it marked the beginning of
the
>Days of Yugoslav Culture in China event.
>
> Consequently, Belgrade's Philharmonic Orchestra and Radmila
>Bakocevic and Jadranka Jovanovic, Yugoslavia's primadonnas of international
>repute, gave performances in China's capital Beijing and the cities of
>Shenyang and Dalian, in the country's northeastern province of Lianoning.
>
> Furthermore, an exhibition of 28 contemporary Yugoslav
paintings
>opened in Beijing during the delegation's visit.
>
> In meetings with ranking Chinese Culture Ministry officials at
the
>close of the visit, Mirkovic said that the visit had resulted in a series
of
>initiatives for the all-round promotion of cultural cooperation.
>
> The programme provides also for the exchange of the two
countries'
>artists. Moreover, the Days of Chinese Culture in Yugoslavia event is to be
>held next year.
>
> Mirkovic pointed to friendly ties and good overall
>Yugoslav-Chinese relations as well as outstanding mutual understanding
reached
>that would enable successful cooperation between the two countries.
>
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - AUSTRALIA
>
> YUGOSLAV SECURITIES COMMISSION DELEGATION VISITED SIDNEY
>
> SIDNEY, May 15 (Tanjug) - A delegation of the Yugoslav
Securities
>Commission has arrived in Sidney, Australia, to attend the 25th annual
>conference of the international organisation of securities commissions.
>
> The delegation, led by Milos Jankovic, commission head, met in
>Canberra on Monday with Yugoslav Ambassador to Australia Dragan
Dragojlovic.
>
> Dragojlovic informed the delegation about prospects for
economic
>and financial cooperation between Yugoslavia and Australia, stressing the
need
>for the diversification of financial cooperation that is crucial to overall
>economic cooperation between the two countries.
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Della miseria della opposizione di destra in Serbia
Seconda parte:
IL PROGRAMMA "SEED", RADIO B92 ed il GRUPPO G17
===
>The Washington Post
>LETTERS
>
>Yugoslavia's 'Propaganda'
>Tuesday, March 21, 2000; Page A24
>
>With so many aspects of Slobodan Milosevic's regime worthy of reproach, it
is
>difficult to see why the March 14 editorial "Repressing the Press" attacked
>one of
>the few areas that is less clear-cut.
>
>The editorial dismissed Yugoslavia's allegation that the opposition media
is
>under
>the financial control of the West. In fact, through the Support for Eastern
>European
>Democracy (SEED) program, the United States poured nearly $25 million into
>Yugoslavia in 1999, much of which bankrolled pro-Western media. It also is
>important to note that Studio B, the station addressed in the editorial, is
>operated by
>the opposition Serb Renewal Party and shares its studio and broadcasting
>frequency with station B2-92. This latter station, formerly known as B-92,
>has been a
>primary recipient of U.S. SEED funding since 1998. And U.S. aid is not
>limited to
>radio--the U.S. Agency for International Development says it was the
"motivating
>donor" in launching the ANEM television network.
>
>Given that so much Western money is going to "independent" media sources,
>Yugoslavia's claim sounds a lot less like propaganda.
>
>ALEXANDER RONEY
>
>Cincinnati
>
> Љ Copyright 2000 The Washington Post Company
>
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
Date: Thu, 2 Sep 1999 07:10:12 +0300 From: P.Treanor@... [Add
to Address Book] Subject: B92 "solidarity" money goes to Soros Fund To:
thrace@...
B92 "solidarity" money goes to Soros Fund
The new FreeB92 website carries an appeal for funds in
solidarity.
http://www.freeb92.net/donations/index.html
------
It asks for money to be sent to a New York Bank account
of the Media
Development Loan Fund. It is a US Foundation, part of
the network of Soros'
Open Society Institute, and listed as such at their
main site:
http://www.soros.org/minidir.html
-----
Here is the main MDLF site
http://www.mdlf.org/about.html
Its activities are described as
"MDLF was founded in late 1995 to meet the financial
needs of the new
independent news organizations that had taken root in
the former communist
states of Central and Eastern Europe and the former
Soviet Union. While these
news organizations were politically independent and
practiced responsible
journalism, they lacked access to affordable capital
and often were
inexperienced in the art of commerce. As a result, they
could not subsist and
develop with only their own revenues.....From its
inception in December 1995
through April 1999, MDLF has made or committed to make
low interest loans and
other financings totaling approximately US $10.6
million to media institutions
in 11 countries.
Staff are listed at
http://www.mdlf.org/contact.html
the Board at
http://www.mdlf.org/board.html
---
The Media Development Loan Fund is therefore a main
channel for Soros funding
of media in eastern Europe. However, as with many of
Soros' projects, it has
other sources of funds:
http://www.mdlf.org/donors.html
- Eurasia Foundation (http://www.eurasia.org)
- J.M. Kaplan Fund
- Knight Foundation (www.knightfdn.org)
- MacArthur Foundation (www.macfdn.org)
- Open Society Institute (www.soros.org)
- Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency
(SIDA) (www.sida.se)
-----
It works closely with the Swedish Helsinki Committee,
which in turn acts as a
channel for funds from the Swedish government. Their
site says this about its
cooperation with the MDLF
http://www.ihf-hr.org/shc/current%20projects%20shc.htm#Other
Activities
"Co-operation with the Media Development Loan Fund
(MDLF), a Soros institution
in Prague, was established during 1997 and will be
further developed this
year. The aim of this co-operation is to support media
organisations in the
region of the former Yugoslavia, through loans on
favourable terms. The
co-operation with MDLF and SHC is based on funds
provided by the Swedish
International Development Co-operation
Agency, Sida, and Open Society Institute (New York
foundation)."
---
According to the site of the International Center For
Journalists MDLF started
in 1995, and now works with the USAID agency on the
Media Viability Fund,
indirectly controlling newspapers in Russia and the
Ukraine.
http://www.internews.ru/ICFJ/27/fund.html
"Money loaned would be provided by the Prague-based
Media Development Loan
Fund, an independent, non-profit agency established in
1995 by the Soros Foundation."
---
Sasa (Sasha) Vucinic is according to the IWPR site
http://www.iwpr.net/iwpr/about.htm
"executive director of the Media Development Loan
Fund (Prague and New York) and former director of Radio
B-92
in Belgrade"
Vucinic is also an IWPR Trustee.
----
The MDLF in Praha (Prague) also runs the Center for
Advanced Media Prague:
http://www.mdlf-camp.net/about.html
"established in early fall 1998 with the aim of
introducing new media concepts
and solutions to independent media and non-governmental
organizations in
Eastern Europe"
----
Now, the question is, why should anyone send money to
George Soros? I think
that he has enough already. No doubt the other funds
financing the MDLF also
have a lot of money already. So has USAID, a US
government agency.
It seems bizarre to send these wealthy organisations
money, so that they can
control the media in eastern Europe. Probably, the idea
is to create the
impression of political solidarity with B92 rather than
collect money. The
Soros funds and other financiers of the so-called
"independent media" in
eastern Europe have been very successful in presenting
their campaigns as
grassroots solidarity actions, making good use of the
Internet. But it is
certainly an extraordinary hypocrisy to deceive people
into thinking they are
sending their 10-dollar donation to a struggling
"radical" radio station -
when in fact it is going to the Foundations of one of
the worlds richest men.
------
Paul Treanor
http://web.inter.nl.net/users/Paul.Treanor/HRW.html
--
On Thu, 18 May 2000 20:40:09 Andrej Tisma wrote:
>STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
>
>I don't understand how can anybody have an illusion that media paid by
>NATO (U. S. A. State Department) can be "independent" and "free". Those
>media are just instruments in the proved NATO hegemonism,
>interventionism, fabrication of conflicts. One of the first things NATO
>did for "democratization" of media in Yugoslavia was bombing of state TV
>and radio stations and transmitters, while the Western media were all
>visible in the "totalitarian" Yugoslavia.
>
>The Yugoslav "independent" and "free" media are openly sponsored by NATO
>and just transmitted the NATO propaganda before and during the bombing
>of Yugoslavia. They broadcasted uncritically the Jamie Shea type of
>lies, disinformation and propaganda, the same lies we could see in CNN,
>BBC, Sky News, Free Europe etc. They shamelessly broadcasted NATO
>threats before the bombing aiming to induce panic in our people and
>Army. Also during the bombing they gave false numbers of casualties and
>effects of bombing. Do you still remember the "free", "independent" and
>"truthful" information about 100.000 killed Albanian civilians, about
>"Racak massacre", about 200 destroyed Serb tanks, etc.? Doing so the
>"free" Yugoslav media took part in the NATO aggression. But they were
>still left in existence by the Yugoslav "authoritarian" regime till now.
>
>Now when those media started to call Yugoslav people for "uprising",
>"armed resistance", killing of democratically elected state leaders and
>violent change of political system, they had to be shut down. Everything
>is clear if we know that Studio B was led by Serbian Renewal Movement
>and its leader Vuk Draskovic, who after the criminal and disastrous
>bombing of Yugoslavia kissed bloody hands of Madeleine Albright.
>NATO couldn't conquer Serbia militarily, and it wants now to destroy it
>from inside, trough such instrumental mercenaries. It is obvious that
>call for uprising by Draskovic and Studio B is the continuation of NATO
>aggression on Serbia and its system, and that Studio B and other likely
>"free" media were just NATO's instruments to provoke inner conflicts and
>civil war in Serbia. That is why they had to be shut down. They were
>shut down according to Yugoslav Constitution, where nobody has right to
>call publicly for violence and civil war, and no media can transmit that
>call uncritically and repeatedly from day to day, as Studio B did.
>
>
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
The Group of 17 represent the Serbian oppositions ECONOMIC PROGRAM, you
can read their material at
(www.g17.org.yu).
Some examples of their stuff (as you will see there is NOTHING
democratic, but a whole lot TECHNOCRATIC about
THEIR PROGRAM!):
Ministries of a Transitional Expert Government [NOTE: Campaign slogans,
and programs added :-) ]
1.Prime minister [Hi I'm a puppet dictator!]
2.Deputy prime minister for reconstruction and economic
reform [....]
3.Deputy prime minister for national and cultural renewal
[resistance is futile, servility is good...resistance is futile,
servility is good...liberty is a hollow dream, bow to your new
masters...liberty is a hollow dream, bow to your new
masters...]
4.Justice [there isn't any...]
5.Finance [the West's occupation of your country!]
6.Internal affairs [Ah, yah know...we just crush ah few bones here
and there, beat some strikers!]
7.Foreign affairs ["At your service Missah Clinton!"]
8.Industry, mining and energy [High ho! High Ho! Off to work we go!
To toil and slave, for a dollar a day, High Ho!,
High Ho!]
9.Agriculture, forestry, water management and ecology [Let's pretend
these things matter!]
10.Transport and communication [forward deployment and survaillance
bases for NATO?]
11.Trade and tourism ["And here children is where Chief
Mi-Lah-Shevich, used to hold pow-wows with his fellow
Serbs..."]
12.Privatization [Bye, bye independent automotive and airospace
industries!]
13.Construction [of bases, ports, and bordellos for your friendly
neighborhood NATO soldier!]
14.Science and education ["Hmmm...Joschka", "Yes, Gehrhard!",
"Joschka, I was wondering why we just don't use this
dusty German curriculum that's been lying around the Reichstag since the
1940s?", "Which one was that again?", "Oh, you
know Joschka, the one that says: "Children shall be taught to respect
their German masters. [insert ethnic group of
choice] children shall only learn the requisite amount of German
necessary to fulfill tasks as good and obedient
workers"", "Oh, yessss Gerhard! That would just be perrrrrrrrrrrrrfect
for our new slaves,...um, I mean Slavs in the
Balkans!"]
15.Culture [CONSUME! CONSUME! CONSUME!]
16.Health [You try drinking cyanide and being poisoned by DU for a
few millenia and see how you hold out!]
17.Labor [upon whose blood and sweat we will grease our colonies],
social welfare [must be destroyed] and war veterans
[who can shrivel up and die for having resisted US]
[The rest of the text is unaltered...(its scarrier that way!) :-(
]
Chief Tasks of a Serbian Expert
Government
Within a one-year transitional period, the chief tasks of a Serbian
Expert Government will be the following:
I Reconstruction and Economic Reform
1. Reconstruction of the demolished infrastructure, so as to
secure a normal life to the population during the next winter:
reconstruction of the electric and energy infrastructure
reconstruction of the public heating system and fuel supply
(gas, crude oil)
reconstruction of the demolished housing fund
initiation of the transport infrastructure reconstruction and
its modernization (bridges, roads, gas and oil pipelines)
2. Inclusion of Serbia and Yugoslavia in the international
community and all relevant international institutions, securing the
following:
immediate lifting of all sanctions, together with a so-called
"outer wall of sanctions"
immediate inclusion of Serbia in the Stability Pact for
South-East Europe and all accompanying financial
arrangements
renewal of membership in the key international financial
institutions (IMF and WB) till the end of 1999; Serbia will
thus obtain a free approach to the world capital market and
fulfil the conditions for solemn foreign investments essential
for economic reconstruction of the country
swift solution to the problem of succession with formerly
Yugoslav republics
start up of negotiations on a "newly associated member" of
the European Union, as of January 1st, 2000
inclusion in all relevant regional integrations and free trade
with South-East European countries.
3. Radical economic reforms
introduction of a stable currency (consisting of three phases:
introduction of a dual currency monetary system; issuing of
a new domestic convertible currency through the institution
of a currency board; a full "euroization" as of January 1st,
2003, presuming a complete integration in the European
Union monetary system
renewal of confidence in the financial system (full integration
of the banking system in the international financial system,
reform of the domestic banks and free inflow of the foreign
banks of high reputation; initiation of payment of the foreign
debt towards the population, renewal of domestic savings,
crediting of the economy and the population)
equilibrium of the government budget and beginning of the
fiscal reform (substantial reduction of tax rates, radical and
immediate simplifying of the tax system so as to be based on
a few tax rates, increase of the public revenues through
legalization of the turnover in the shadow economy,
reduction and gradual elimination of delays in tax payments
through the increase of the fiscal discipline and motivation
of tax payers to adhere to their duties in time, introduction
of the elements of an integrated information system by
providing the electric cash registers, etc.)
foreign trade liberalization (abolishment of all export and
import quotas/except for agriculture/and their replacement
by appropriate tariffs; substantial tariff reduction with
securing relevant budget compensations by the European
Union; export preferentials to the European Union;
abolishment of all trade limits with the neighboring
countries; immediate annulment of exit tax)
relatively swift, binding and transparent privatization,
stimulation to the capital market development; privatization
will be conducted combining the direct sale and voucher
privatization
social and health security for the most vulnerable categories
of citizens (refugees, unemployed, retired, employed in the
public sector) through a special fund to overcome budgetary
difficulties; such a fund will be partially formed from the
domestic capital, while foreign donations will constitute its
major portion; without such a fund at the very beginning, the
economic reform has no chances to succeed.
II Reform of the legislature and solution to all issues
in the federation of Serbia and Montenegro [NOTE their adoption of
State Department POLICY not to refer to
Yugoslavia by name]
agreement with the Government of Montenegro on
jurisdiction and composition of a Federal Transitional
Government
irrevocable affirmation of the rule of law
preparation and enforcement of the several key laws
The Law on University
The Law on Judiciary and Judges Appointment
The Law on Local Self-Governance
upon a proposal by the Expert Government, relevant laws in
the monetary area, foreign currency rate and foreign trade
can also be brought, if the Federal bodies do not perform
their duties in the interest of Serbia and in compliance with a
concept of the economic reforms conducted in it.
III Preparation of Free Elections at all Levels
free media and information, a new Law on public information
electoral laws:
Law on Deputies and Councilmen Election
Law on Political Parties
Law on Political Parties Financing
control of the electoral process in compliance with the
OSCE principles.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Seconda parte:
IL PROGRAMMA "SEED", RADIO B92 ed il GRUPPO G17
===
>The Washington Post
>LETTERS
>
>Yugoslavia's 'Propaganda'
>Tuesday, March 21, 2000; Page A24
>
>With so many aspects of Slobodan Milosevic's regime worthy of reproach, it
is
>difficult to see why the March 14 editorial "Repressing the Press" attacked
>one of
>the few areas that is less clear-cut.
>
>The editorial dismissed Yugoslavia's allegation that the opposition media
is
>under
>the financial control of the West. In fact, through the Support for Eastern
>European
>Democracy (SEED) program, the United States poured nearly $25 million into
>Yugoslavia in 1999, much of which bankrolled pro-Western media. It also is
>important to note that Studio B, the station addressed in the editorial, is
>operated by
>the opposition Serb Renewal Party and shares its studio and broadcasting
>frequency with station B2-92. This latter station, formerly known as B-92,
>has been a
>primary recipient of U.S. SEED funding since 1998. And U.S. aid is not
>limited to
>radio--the U.S. Agency for International Development says it was the
"motivating
>donor" in launching the ANEM television network.
>
>Given that so much Western money is going to "independent" media sources,
>Yugoslavia's claim sounds a lot less like propaganda.
>
>ALEXANDER RONEY
>
>Cincinnati
>
> Љ Copyright 2000 The Washington Post Company
>
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
Date: Thu, 2 Sep 1999 07:10:12 +0300 From: P.Treanor@... [Add
to Address Book] Subject: B92 "solidarity" money goes to Soros Fund To:
thrace@...
B92 "solidarity" money goes to Soros Fund
The new FreeB92 website carries an appeal for funds in
solidarity.
http://www.freeb92.net/donations/index.html
------
It asks for money to be sent to a New York Bank account
of the Media
Development Loan Fund. It is a US Foundation, part of
the network of Soros'
Open Society Institute, and listed as such at their
main site:
http://www.soros.org/minidir.html
-----
Here is the main MDLF site
http://www.mdlf.org/about.html
Its activities are described as
"MDLF was founded in late 1995 to meet the financial
needs of the new
independent news organizations that had taken root in
the former communist
states of Central and Eastern Europe and the former
Soviet Union. While these
news organizations were politically independent and
practiced responsible
journalism, they lacked access to affordable capital
and often were
inexperienced in the art of commerce. As a result, they
could not subsist and
develop with only their own revenues.....From its
inception in December 1995
through April 1999, MDLF has made or committed to make
low interest loans and
other financings totaling approximately US $10.6
million to media institutions
in 11 countries.
Staff are listed at
http://www.mdlf.org/contact.html
the Board at
http://www.mdlf.org/board.html
---
The Media Development Loan Fund is therefore a main
channel for Soros funding
of media in eastern Europe. However, as with many of
Soros' projects, it has
other sources of funds:
http://www.mdlf.org/donors.html
- Eurasia Foundation (http://www.eurasia.org)
- J.M. Kaplan Fund
- Knight Foundation (www.knightfdn.org)
- MacArthur Foundation (www.macfdn.org)
- Open Society Institute (www.soros.org)
- Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency
(SIDA) (www.sida.se)
-----
It works closely with the Swedish Helsinki Committee,
which in turn acts as a
channel for funds from the Swedish government. Their
site says this about its
cooperation with the MDLF
http://www.ihf-hr.org/shc/current%20projects%20shc.htm#Other
Activities
"Co-operation with the Media Development Loan Fund
(MDLF), a Soros institution
in Prague, was established during 1997 and will be
further developed this
year. The aim of this co-operation is to support media
organisations in the
region of the former Yugoslavia, through loans on
favourable terms. The
co-operation with MDLF and SHC is based on funds
provided by the Swedish
International Development Co-operation
Agency, Sida, and Open Society Institute (New York
foundation)."
---
According to the site of the International Center For
Journalists MDLF started
in 1995, and now works with the USAID agency on the
Media Viability Fund,
indirectly controlling newspapers in Russia and the
Ukraine.
http://www.internews.ru/ICFJ/27/fund.html
"Money loaned would be provided by the Prague-based
Media Development Loan
Fund, an independent, non-profit agency established in
1995 by the Soros Foundation."
---
Sasa (Sasha) Vucinic is according to the IWPR site
http://www.iwpr.net/iwpr/about.htm
"executive director of the Media Development Loan
Fund (Prague and New York) and former director of Radio
B-92
in Belgrade"
Vucinic is also an IWPR Trustee.
----
The MDLF in Praha (Prague) also runs the Center for
Advanced Media Prague:
http://www.mdlf-camp.net/about.html
"established in early fall 1998 with the aim of
introducing new media concepts
and solutions to independent media and non-governmental
organizations in
Eastern Europe"
----
Now, the question is, why should anyone send money to
George Soros? I think
that he has enough already. No doubt the other funds
financing the MDLF also
have a lot of money already. So has USAID, a US
government agency.
It seems bizarre to send these wealthy organisations
money, so that they can
control the media in eastern Europe. Probably, the idea
is to create the
impression of political solidarity with B92 rather than
collect money. The
Soros funds and other financiers of the so-called
"independent media" in
eastern Europe have been very successful in presenting
their campaigns as
grassroots solidarity actions, making good use of the
Internet. But it is
certainly an extraordinary hypocrisy to deceive people
into thinking they are
sending their 10-dollar donation to a struggling
"radical" radio station -
when in fact it is going to the Foundations of one of
the worlds richest men.
------
Paul Treanor
http://web.inter.nl.net/users/Paul.Treanor/HRW.html
--
On Thu, 18 May 2000 20:40:09 Andrej Tisma wrote:
>STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
>
>I don't understand how can anybody have an illusion that media paid by
>NATO (U. S. A. State Department) can be "independent" and "free". Those
>media are just instruments in the proved NATO hegemonism,
>interventionism, fabrication of conflicts. One of the first things NATO
>did for "democratization" of media in Yugoslavia was bombing of state TV
>and radio stations and transmitters, while the Western media were all
>visible in the "totalitarian" Yugoslavia.
>
>The Yugoslav "independent" and "free" media are openly sponsored by NATO
>and just transmitted the NATO propaganda before and during the bombing
>of Yugoslavia. They broadcasted uncritically the Jamie Shea type of
>lies, disinformation and propaganda, the same lies we could see in CNN,
>BBC, Sky News, Free Europe etc. They shamelessly broadcasted NATO
>threats before the bombing aiming to induce panic in our people and
>Army. Also during the bombing they gave false numbers of casualties and
>effects of bombing. Do you still remember the "free", "independent" and
>"truthful" information about 100.000 killed Albanian civilians, about
>"Racak massacre", about 200 destroyed Serb tanks, etc.? Doing so the
>"free" Yugoslav media took part in the NATO aggression. But they were
>still left in existence by the Yugoslav "authoritarian" regime till now.
>
>Now when those media started to call Yugoslav people for "uprising",
>"armed resistance", killing of democratically elected state leaders and
>violent change of political system, they had to be shut down. Everything
>is clear if we know that Studio B was led by Serbian Renewal Movement
>and its leader Vuk Draskovic, who after the criminal and disastrous
>bombing of Yugoslavia kissed bloody hands of Madeleine Albright.
>NATO couldn't conquer Serbia militarily, and it wants now to destroy it
>from inside, trough such instrumental mercenaries. It is obvious that
>call for uprising by Draskovic and Studio B is the continuation of NATO
>aggression on Serbia and its system, and that Studio B and other likely
>"free" media were just NATO's instruments to provoke inner conflicts and
>civil war in Serbia. That is why they had to be shut down. They were
>shut down according to Yugoslav Constitution, where nobody has right to
>call publicly for violence and civil war, and no media can transmit that
>call uncritically and repeatedly from day to day, as Studio B did.
>
>
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
The Group of 17 represent the Serbian oppositions ECONOMIC PROGRAM, you
can read their material at
(www.g17.org.yu).
Some examples of their stuff (as you will see there is NOTHING
democratic, but a whole lot TECHNOCRATIC about
THEIR PROGRAM!):
Ministries of a Transitional Expert Government [NOTE: Campaign slogans,
and programs added :-) ]
1.Prime minister [Hi I'm a puppet dictator!]
2.Deputy prime minister for reconstruction and economic
reform [....]
3.Deputy prime minister for national and cultural renewal
[resistance is futile, servility is good...resistance is futile,
servility is good...liberty is a hollow dream, bow to your new
masters...liberty is a hollow dream, bow to your new
masters...]
4.Justice [there isn't any...]
5.Finance [the West's occupation of your country!]
6.Internal affairs [Ah, yah know...we just crush ah few bones here
and there, beat some strikers!]
7.Foreign affairs ["At your service Missah Clinton!"]
8.Industry, mining and energy [High ho! High Ho! Off to work we go!
To toil and slave, for a dollar a day, High Ho!,
High Ho!]
9.Agriculture, forestry, water management and ecology [Let's pretend
these things matter!]
10.Transport and communication [forward deployment and survaillance
bases for NATO?]
11.Trade and tourism ["And here children is where Chief
Mi-Lah-Shevich, used to hold pow-wows with his fellow
Serbs..."]
12.Privatization [Bye, bye independent automotive and airospace
industries!]
13.Construction [of bases, ports, and bordellos for your friendly
neighborhood NATO soldier!]
14.Science and education ["Hmmm...Joschka", "Yes, Gehrhard!",
"Joschka, I was wondering why we just don't use this
dusty German curriculum that's been lying around the Reichstag since the
1940s?", "Which one was that again?", "Oh, you
know Joschka, the one that says: "Children shall be taught to respect
their German masters. [insert ethnic group of
choice] children shall only learn the requisite amount of German
necessary to fulfill tasks as good and obedient
workers"", "Oh, yessss Gerhard! That would just be perrrrrrrrrrrrrfect
for our new slaves,...um, I mean Slavs in the
Balkans!"]
15.Culture [CONSUME! CONSUME! CONSUME!]
16.Health [You try drinking cyanide and being poisoned by DU for a
few millenia and see how you hold out!]
17.Labor [upon whose blood and sweat we will grease our colonies],
social welfare [must be destroyed] and war veterans
[who can shrivel up and die for having resisted US]
[The rest of the text is unaltered...(its scarrier that way!) :-(
]
Chief Tasks of a Serbian Expert
Government
Within a one-year transitional period, the chief tasks of a Serbian
Expert Government will be the following:
I Reconstruction and Economic Reform
1. Reconstruction of the demolished infrastructure, so as to
secure a normal life to the population during the next winter:
reconstruction of the electric and energy infrastructure
reconstruction of the public heating system and fuel supply
(gas, crude oil)
reconstruction of the demolished housing fund
initiation of the transport infrastructure reconstruction and
its modernization (bridges, roads, gas and oil pipelines)
2. Inclusion of Serbia and Yugoslavia in the international
community and all relevant international institutions, securing the
following:
immediate lifting of all sanctions, together with a so-called
"outer wall of sanctions"
immediate inclusion of Serbia in the Stability Pact for
South-East Europe and all accompanying financial
arrangements
renewal of membership in the key international financial
institutions (IMF and WB) till the end of 1999; Serbia will
thus obtain a free approach to the world capital market and
fulfil the conditions for solemn foreign investments essential
for economic reconstruction of the country
swift solution to the problem of succession with formerly
Yugoslav republics
start up of negotiations on a "newly associated member" of
the European Union, as of January 1st, 2000
inclusion in all relevant regional integrations and free trade
with South-East European countries.
3. Radical economic reforms
introduction of a stable currency (consisting of three phases:
introduction of a dual currency monetary system; issuing of
a new domestic convertible currency through the institution
of a currency board; a full "euroization" as of January 1st,
2003, presuming a complete integration in the European
Union monetary system
renewal of confidence in the financial system (full integration
of the banking system in the international financial system,
reform of the domestic banks and free inflow of the foreign
banks of high reputation; initiation of payment of the foreign
debt towards the population, renewal of domestic savings,
crediting of the economy and the population)
equilibrium of the government budget and beginning of the
fiscal reform (substantial reduction of tax rates, radical and
immediate simplifying of the tax system so as to be based on
a few tax rates, increase of the public revenues through
legalization of the turnover in the shadow economy,
reduction and gradual elimination of delays in tax payments
through the increase of the fiscal discipline and motivation
of tax payers to adhere to their duties in time, introduction
of the elements of an integrated information system by
providing the electric cash registers, etc.)
foreign trade liberalization (abolishment of all export and
import quotas/except for agriculture/and their replacement
by appropriate tariffs; substantial tariff reduction with
securing relevant budget compensations by the European
Union; export preferentials to the European Union;
abolishment of all trade limits with the neighboring
countries; immediate annulment of exit tax)
relatively swift, binding and transparent privatization,
stimulation to the capital market development; privatization
will be conducted combining the direct sale and voucher
privatization
social and health security for the most vulnerable categories
of citizens (refugees, unemployed, retired, employed in the
public sector) through a special fund to overcome budgetary
difficulties; such a fund will be partially formed from the
domestic capital, while foreign donations will constitute its
major portion; without such a fund at the very beginning, the
economic reform has no chances to succeed.
II Reform of the legislature and solution to all issues
in the federation of Serbia and Montenegro [NOTE their adoption of
State Department POLICY not to refer to
Yugoslavia by name]
agreement with the Government of Montenegro on
jurisdiction and composition of a Federal Transitional
Government
irrevocable affirmation of the rule of law
preparation and enforcement of the several key laws
The Law on University
The Law on Judiciary and Judges Appointment
The Law on Local Self-Governance
upon a proposal by the Expert Government, relevant laws in
the monetary area, foreign currency rate and foreign trade
can also be brought, if the Federal bodies do not perform
their duties in the interest of Serbia and in compliance with a
concept of the economic reforms conducted in it.
III Preparation of Free Elections at all Levels
free media and information, a new Law on public information
electoral laws:
Law on Deputies and Councilmen Election
Law on Political Parties
Law on Political Parties Financing
control of the electoral process in compliance with the
OSCE principles.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
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